Why did the Myanmar military initiate mass atrocities in Rakhine state alongside radical democratic reforms? We argue that the atrocities in Rakhine were driven by intra-military rivalry. The... Show moreWhy did the Myanmar military initiate mass atrocities in Rakhine state alongside radical democratic reforms? We argue that the atrocities in Rakhine were driven by intra-military rivalry. The transition to democracy was a generational transition of the military leadership that brought pre-existing rivalries within the military to the fore. As is common to military regimes, Myanmar military elites rely on regional support bases. The democratic transition coincided with a transition of power from generals with a Western support base – e.g. Shwe Mann – to generals with an Eastern support base – e.g. Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing. We argue that atrocities can strengthen control over security services by raising militias, locking rival units in the execution of the violence, and restructuring units under a new command. We demonstrate how atrocities in the Western Rakhine province served to consolidate power over the western faction of the military and allowed General Hlaing to consolidate. Show less
This study aims to (i) understand how the legacies of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and its aftermath are transmitted to the next generation within Rwandan families and (ii) explore how... Show moreThis study aims to (i) understand how the legacies of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi and its aftermath are transmitted to the next generation within Rwandan families and (ii) explore how institutional support plays a role in the pathways of intergenerational transmission. Through an in-depth analysis of qualitative interviews with 41 mothers and one of their adolescent children, we identified direct and indirect pathways through which the legacies of the genocide are transmitted to the second generation. Direct pathways concern the ways in which the genocide and its aftermath are reflected upon, reconstructed and explicitly communicated or silenced to the second generation. Indirect pathways are ways in which the genocide and its aftermath affect the life circumstances of the children, and through that, the child. Many of the included households had access to at least some kind of support. In general, our results indicate that organisations providing support to families and individuals in post-conflict settings might want to consider focusing explicitly on the identified pathways of intergenerational transmission to improve the living conditions of the next generation(s). Show less
This book is based on Leonor Faber-Jonker’s Research Master's thesis 'More than just an object: A material analysis of the return and retention of Namibian skulls from Germany', runner-up in the... Show moreThis book is based on Leonor Faber-Jonker’s Research Master's thesis 'More than just an object: A material analysis of the return and retention of Namibian skulls from Germany', runner-up in the African Studies Centre, Leiden's 2016 Africa Thesis Award. This annual award for Master's students encourages student research and writing on Africa and promotes the study of African cultures and societies. In September 2011 twenty Namibian skulls were repatriated from the collection of the Charité university hospital in Berlin. The remains had been in Germany for more than a hundred years: they belonged to victims of the 'German-Herero war' (1904-1908) in German South-West Africa, a genocide that cost the lives of eighty per cent of the Herero and half the Nama population. The majority of the skulls had arrived in Berlin as preserved heads, and all had been used for scientific race research in the first decades of the twentieth century. Despite the triumphant return of the skulls, not everything went smoothly. The Charité was criticized for failing to answer questions about the identity of the remains, and the Namibian government and Nama and Herero representatives failed to agree on their final resting place. This had everything to do with the complicated nature of the skulls involved. Faber-Jonker analyses how these human remains – remains of individuals – became war trophies, anthropological specimens, and, finally, evidence, symbols, and relics, by examining how, by whom, why, and in what context the skulls were physically handled in the practices of collecting (1904-1910), studying (1910-1924),- and repatriating (2011). Show less
The central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in... Show moreThe central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in the Congo in the late 19th century. The paper argues that the violence perpetrated by German officers in the service of the Belgian King Leopold in the Congo Free State was formative for the manner in which German colonial forces came to wage war in Tanzania, Namibia and China. In addition it argues that this violence was qualitatively different there where it could be and was checked by the intervention of civil society. [Book abstract, edited] Show less
Following a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the... Show moreFollowing a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the crimes committed by imperial Germany in Namibia. Calls for recompensation revolve in the end around the issue of German government responsibility. That is, to what extent were the Herero genocide and related atrocities the product of German policy? To what extent were the criminal acts not merely the actions of individuals? Material presented in this chapter shows that the Herero genocide and associated atrocities were indeed officially sanctioned. During the Herero-German war, the German settlers and soldiers carried out a shoot-to-kill policy, conducted extrajudicial killings, established concentration camps, employed forced labour, and in at least two cases, established death camps. After the war, the loss of Herero liberty, land and stock was officially sanctioned in legislation. At no stage after 1904 were any German settlers or soldiers brought to justice for genocidal acts committed in Namibia between 1904 and 1908. Bibliogr., notes [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Abbink, G.J.; Bruijn, M.E. de; Walraven, K. van 2003
This collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions... Show moreThis collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions: Rethinking resistance in African history, an introduction, by Klaas van Walraven and Jon Abbink. Part I (Historical perspectives): Resistance to Fulbe hegemony in nineteenth-century West Africa, by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk; Colonial conquest in central Madagascar: who resisted what?, by Stephen Ellis; Revisiting resistance in Italian-occupied Ethiopia: the Patriots' Movement (1936-1941) and the redefinition of post-war Ethiopia, by Aregawi Berhe. Part 2 (Social inequalities and colonial hierarchies): Ambiguities of resistance and collaboration on the Eastern Cape Frontier: the Kat River Settlement 1829-1856, by Robert Ross; African mutinies in the Netherlands East Indies: a nineteenth-century colonial paradox, by Ineke van Kessel; Absence of evidence is no proof: slave resistance under German colonial rule in East Africa, by Jan-Georg Deutsch. Part 3 (Violence, meaning and ideology in resistance): The Kawousan War reconsidered, by Kimba Idrissa; 'Sawaba''s rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning, by Klaas van Walraven; The vagaries of violence and power in post-colonial Mozambique, by Gerhard Seibert. Part 4 (Resistance as heritage and memory): Herero genocide in the twentieth century: politics and memory, by Jan-Bart Gewald; 'Namibia, land of the brave': selective memories on war and violence within nation building, by Henning Melber; Dervishes, 'moryaan' and freedom fighters: cycles of rebellion and the fragmentation of Somali society, 1900-2000, by Jon Abbink Show less
Between 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the... Show moreBetween 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the twentieth century, numerous people in varying contexts have sought to use the genocide perpetrated upon the Herero to further their own ends. It charts the manner in which a historical event has come to be deployed for varying and, at times, contradictory interests by German social democrats and English imperialists through to anti-Apartheid activists and postcolonial tribalists. It has been used to strengthen arguments that range from colonial policies through to claims that call for ethnic autonomy and compensation. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
Between 1904 and 1908 imperial German troops committed genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. African survivors of the war were cruelly treated, placed in camps and put to work... Show moreBetween 1904 and 1908 imperial German troops committed genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. African survivors of the war were cruelly treated, placed in camps and put to work as forced labourers. This paper addresses the question of why German soldiers and settlers committed these atrocities. It argues that they were never directly ordered to commit such atrocities; instead, a social space was created in the central and southern Namibia of 1904-1908 in which the atrocities were deemed acceptable. In Germany, the concept of a German Empire with colonies developed to such an extent that it came to be seen as a necessity, a 'natural' destiny of Germany. However, the reality of the colony did not reflect the idealized image of German settlers and soldiers. In addition, events in China had indicated to German soldiers that the transgression of the limits of correct behaviour in a war situation was legitimated by the highest authority, the Kaiser. These factors, combined with the dreadful circumstances in which German volunteers found themselves in Namibia, contributed to the crimes committed. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
