Surveys around the world report exceptionally high levels of support for the military. This is particularly relevant for countries in transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, where... Show moreSurveys around the world report exceptionally high levels of support for the military. This is particularly relevant for countries in transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, where militaries can play a vital role for democratic consolidation or autocratic backsliding. Given the sensitive nature of the issue, we suspect that figures indicating strong support for the military are at least partly driven by sensitivity bias. We explore this possibility through list experiments in two nationally representative surveys in Tunisia. We find that misreporting of support for the military in Tunisia is substantial, with respondents overreporting positive attitudes by 40–50 percentage points. Moreover, misreporting is not random, but instead varies systematically by incumbency, with supporters of governing parties misreporting support for the military to a significantly higher degree than opposition supporters or non-voters. Our results suggest that public opinion researchers should be wary of using direct questions to measure support for the military. Show less
Albrecht, H.; Bishara, D.; Bufano, M.; Koehler, K. 2021
Popular attitudes in support of authoritarian alternatives and weak party systems constitute important threats to democratic consolidation and the stability of new democracies. This article... Show morePopular attitudes in support of authoritarian alternatives and weak party systems constitute important threats to democratic consolidation and the stability of new democracies. This article explores popular alienation from established political actors in Tunisia. Under what conditions do citizens support alternatives to the elites in power and the institutional infrastructure of a new democracy? Drawing on an original, nationally representative survey in Tunisia administered in 2017, this article examines three categories of popular attitudes in support of political outsiders.Military interventionism appears in people’s preferences for anti-system politics—the most immediate challenge to the country’s stability and democratic transition. Anti-political establishment sentiments are shown in people’s preferences for an enhanced role of the country’s main trade union as a civil-society alternative to political party elites. Finally, outsider eclecticism is the seemingly incoherent phenomenon of concurrent support for a civil society actor and the military as an ‘authoritarian alternative.’ Anti-establishment sentiments will continue to be an important element in Tunisian post-authoritarian politics, evidenced by the rise to power of Kais Said in the 2019 presidential elections and his 2021 decision to dismiss parliament. In turn, popular support for military intervention may have implications for the country’s domestic security and peaceful transition. Show less
This article introduces a theory on military role expansion in emerging democracies and poses a broad question: who wants the military to adopt which role in society and politics? Drawing on an... Show moreThis article introduces a theory on military role expansion in emerging democracies and poses a broad question: who wants the military to adopt which role in society and politics? Drawing on an original, nationally representative survey conducted in Tunisia, the article explores people’s preferences for the military to remain a security provider or serve in government and contribute to policing protests. Findings reveal that public support for military role expansion is substantial and varies across political cleavages. We test hypotheses to account for cleavages driven by the country’s authoritarian past versus partisan divides during Tunisia’s transition to democracy. Findings indicate that popular support for military role expansion is driven by anti-system sentiments prevalent in contemporary Tunisian politics: while voters prefer the military as a role model for security provision, non-voters support its enhanced role in politics. These observations have ample implications for the research programs on civil–military relations and the dynamics of democratic consolidation. Tunisia’s experience warrants greater attention to anti-system attitudes caused by people’s disillusionment with democratic procedures. In turn, authoritarian legacies do not appear to play a prominent role during such challenging transitions toward democratic consolidation. Show less
In recent years, promising steps have been made in identifying, sharing and implementing good practices in dealing with (returning) Foreign (Terrorist) Fighters (FTFs). This policy brief addresses... Show moreIn recent years, promising steps have been made in identifying, sharing and implementing good practices in dealing with (returning) Foreign (Terrorist) Fighters (FTFs). This policy brief addresses capacity-building challenges in relation to the implementation of these good practices. It aims to do so by sharing some of the insights and progress made with regard to the capacity-building efforts developed by the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague (ICCT) on the issue of FTFs in a selection of countries. The approach and outcomes of these capacity-building activities are linked to the recommendations in the Global Counterterrorism Forum’s (GCTF) The Hague-Marrakech Memorandum on Good Practices for a More Effective Response to the FTF Phenomenon. Eight insights and recommendations are provided for policy makers and implementers alike, related to organisation, implementation, and monitoring of capacity-building efforts. Show less
The dissertation analyzes the changing relations between political leadership, sharia and ulama in Tunisia in the nineteenth century. The ideal of an egalitarian society that, as once in Medina... Show moreThe dissertation analyzes the changing relations between political leadership, sharia and ulama in Tunisia in the nineteenth century. The ideal of an egalitarian society that, as once in Medina under the Prophet, lived solely by God's law, has remained an important norm in Muslim society ever since. Meanwhile, in the following centuries, Islam proved to be able to live in harmony with almost absolute political leadership that promulgated its own discrete laws, sometimes even deviating from sharia legislation. This discrepancy between the ideal of an all encompassing sharia and the reality of day to day government had, however, to be bridged. The ruler required the approbation of the ulama, whose fatwas gave his actions a theological basis, establishing a synthesis between doctrine and praxis: they served as mechanisms of legitimization. My study highlights three theological discussions accommodating political leadership in nineteenth-century' Tunisia. I demonstrate that, contrary to characteristics attributed to Islamic law today, the Tunisian muftis did not view the sharia as a rigid and unchangeable entity, but as a law open to new interpretations to serve their Bey. Under the influence of European pressure these mechanisms of legitimization underwent far-reaching changes in the sixties of the nineteenth century. Show less
The myth, the author focus upon, is that of Sidi Mhammad, a local saint venerated in N.W. Tunisia. After presenting the myth and briefly indicating the relatively ahistorical elements, the author... Show moreThe myth, the author focus upon, is that of Sidi Mhammad, a local saint venerated in N.W. Tunisia. After presenting the myth and briefly indicating the relatively ahistorical elements, the author builds up a framework which opens out the historical content for analysis. This framework is informed by an analysis of the social and religious organization of contemporary society and by historical evidence derived from other oral sources. The main aim is to show how the historical interpretation of myths should not be attempted in isolation, but against the background of much more comprehensive information about the past and the present of the society. Bibliogr., noten Show less
The present paper explores the interplay between local popular Islam and the repeated introduction of formal Islam in Khrumiria, North-western Tunisia, against the background of its social and... Show moreThe present paper explores the interplay between local popular Islam and the repeated introduction of formal Islam in Khrumiria, North-western Tunisia, against the background of its social and political structure and the radical changes the latter underwent in the colonial and post-colonial era. The dynamics underlying the relation between the two versions of Islam in Khrumiria should be interpreted primarily by reference to supra-local political and economic incorporation processes, i.e. to ultimately non-religious factors. Show less
