In introducing novel ideas for the September 2024 Summit of the Future and New Agenda for Peace, this report seeks to encourage more ambitious, forward looking thinking and deliberation on global... Show moreIn introducing novel ideas for the September 2024 Summit of the Future and New Agenda for Peace, this report seeks to encourage more ambitious, forward looking thinking and deliberation on global governance renewal and innovation. The world needs better ways to manage its many, growing problems. Engaging new voices, instruments, networks, knowledge, and structures is the key to coping with today’s and future global challenges, which include, but are not limited to, renewed Great Power tensions, deepening Global North-South divides, virulent nationalism, runway climate change, and unconstrained artificial intelligence. Against this backdrop, the inaugural Global Governance Innovation Report (GGIR) aims to inform and advance debates on improving global governance, and to spur action to that end, drawing on insights from two new tools: a Global Governance Index and a Global Governance Survey. Encouraging greater ambition in preparations for the September 2024 Summit of the Future in New York and a New Agenda for Peace, the report offers proactive measures to better prevent, and failing that, limit the escalation of deadly conflict; reconsiders disarmament measures to boost conditions for conflict management and resolution; and proposes a next generation humanitarian action architecture to save more lives when conflict prevention and mitigation fail. Central to a strategy for change, GGIR’23 introduces five steps for mobilizing a broad-based, smart coalition of governments and civil society groups to maximize the generational opportunity afforded by next year’s Summit, to better ensure “the future we want and the United Nations we need” for present and future generations. Show less
As the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord... Show moreAs the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord politics’, providing rewards to those who ‘went to the bush’ to fight the war. Bruno Braak describes this process with the example of a rebel commander-turned-governor in the country’s Western Equatoria State. Show less
The interplay between peace and justice plays an important role in any contemporary conflict. Peace can be described in a variety ways, as being 'negative' or 'positive', 'liberal' or 'democratic'.... Show moreThe interplay between peace and justice plays an important role in any contemporary conflict. Peace can be described in a variety ways, as being 'negative' or 'positive', 'liberal' or 'democratic'. But what is it that makes a peace just? This book draws together leading scholars to study this concept of a 'just peace', analysing different elements of the transition from conflict to peace.The volume covers six core themes: conceptual approaches towards just peace, macro-principles, the nexus to security and stability, protection of persons and public goods, rule of law, and economic reform and accountability. Contributions engage with understudied issues, such as the pros and cons of robust UN mandates, the link between environmental protection and indigenous peoples, the treatment of illegal settlements, the feasibility of vetting practices, and the protection of labour rights in post-conflict economies. Overall, the book puts forward a case that just peace requires not only negotiation, agreement, and compromise, but contextual understandings of law, multiple dimensions of justice, and strategies of prevention. Show less
Hans Kelsen staat in de wereld van de rechtsfilosofie en -theorie bekend als één van de belangrijkste rechtsgeleerden van de 20ste eeuw en zijn belangrijkste werk dat hem die bekendheid heeft... Show moreHans Kelsen staat in de wereld van de rechtsfilosofie en -theorie bekend als één van de belangrijkste rechtsgeleerden van de 20ste eeuw en zijn belangrijkste werk dat hem die bekendheid heeft opgeleverd, de Reine Rechtslehre, is dan ook 'wereldberoemd'. Minder bekendheid geniet hij als juridisch pacifist en zijn voornaamste geschriften over recht en vrede, zoals Peace through Law, worden nauwelijks bestudeerd en amper in verband gebracht met zijn Zuivere Rechtsleer. Ook in de recentere Kelsen-studies over zijn democratietheorie, die meer bekendheid hebben gegeven aan Kelsen als pleitbezorger van democratie en die zijn politieke werk zelfs in het licht hebben beschouwd van de Zuivere Rechtsleer, ontbreekt nagenoeg een systematische of kritische behandeling van de waarde van vrede, terwijl zowel Kelsens rechtsleer als zijn democratietheorie daartoe op zijn minst aanleiding geeft. Aangezien in andere Kelsen-studies de relatie tussen de begrippen recht en democratie bij Kelsen reeds is gelegd, heeft deze studie zich beperkt tot de bij hem nauw gerelateerde concepten van recht en vrede. Zo hoopt dit proefschrift bij te dragen aan een herwaardering van Kelsens rechtsfilosofie door aan te tonen dat men het ondergewaardeerde doch wezenlijke aspect van zijn juridisch pacifisme als stilzwijgende, ethische betekenis van de Zuivere Rechtsleer kan begrijpen. Show less
This study examines a strategic partnership in the areas of peace and security between the EU and Africa. The EU has been strengthening its institutional ties with African organisations since 2000,... Show moreThis study examines a strategic partnership in the areas of peace and security between the EU and Africa. The EU has been strengthening its institutional ties with African organisations since 2000, with security relations with Africa a priority on the EU’s agenda following the 9/11 attacks on the United States of America. The study shows the driving forces behind the establishment of the partnership, arguing that the EU’s economic interests have played a significant role in its development. In addition, new global threats and challenges, such as immigration issues, climate change, international terrorism, conflicts, and the emerging global actors in Africa have affected the EU’s current foreign and security policy towards Africa. Norms and ideas also contribute to the emergence of the notion of strategic security partnership, but to a lesser extent. Drawing on literature, the method of process-tracing, and p rimary, secondary and tertiary sources, this dissertation opens up previously unexplored aspects of security relations between the two continents. Against the historical background of colonialism and recent moves to continental confederation and globalism, it seeks to determine why the EU has consolidated its institutional relations with African organisations. Show less
Peace education has recemtly become very fashionable but little is known about he outcome and impact of both formal and informal peace-education programmes. This book is an attempt to fill the gap... Show morePeace education has recemtly become very fashionable but little is known about he outcome and impact of both formal and informal peace-education programmes. This book is an attempt to fill the gap between well-meant intentions and reality by exploring the impact of an informal workshop-style peace-education programme in Uganda. From the perspective of the 'alternatives to violence' programme, the author takes the reader on a journey through the theoretical underpinnings and intentions of peace education, unfolds some of the underlying intricacies, challenges and side efforts, and illustrates these with concrete examples. - Anika May has an MA in International Development Studies from ISHSS/UvA and has worked for development agencies in Indonesia, Venezuela, Germany and Brussels. One of her fields of interest is peace and conflict issues and she conducted her thesis research in Uganda where she explored participants' perceptions of a countrywide peace education programme and did consultancy work for the German Development Service (DED). Since the beginning of 2008, she has been working in international cooperation for Context, a development consultancy based in Utrecht, where her work focuses on civic driven change. She is also teaching an undergraduate course at ISHSS/UvA. Show less
This report gives a personal assessment of the local needs of the Southern Sudanese population in the period of societal reconstruction envisaged in the likely event of a meaningful peace... Show moreThis report gives a personal assessment of the local needs of the Southern Sudanese population in the period of societal reconstruction envisaged in the likely event of a meaningful peace agreement being realized in 2004 between the SPLM/A and the government of Sudan. In particular, the report examines the challenges and prospects of Quick Impact Programmes. Chief domains of attention for relief and reconstruction include: the internally displaced persons and refugees, security, infrastructure and economic recovery, the setting up of educational structures, the building of an administrative political structure, and food security. The author argues that QIPs should not focus exclusively on 'technicalities' and should take into account the political context in which they operate. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
In the considerable number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa in which political institutions have largely broken down, religious discourse can be seen as an attempted remedy by means of a... Show moreIn the considerable number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa in which political institutions have largely broken down, religious discourse can be seen as an attempted remedy by means of a reordering of power. The numerous popular texts on witchcraft and other perceived forms of evil reflect the preoccupations of Africans with the way in which power is exercised in their societies. Since these texts are particularly concerned with the dangers that can arise when power is not properly organized and controlled, they can be considered a commentary on a world in which power is seen as being too often an instrument of evil people who use it to destroy peace and harmony. This article sketches a theory which clarifies the relationship between religion and politics in Africa. It first discusses what religion is, and how it may best be studied. Then it examines a couple of popular religious texts chosen by way of illustration, before passing on to some further observations on the way in which power is organized and perceived in various African societies. Finally, it draws some conclusions about religion as a political idiom. Show less
This article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In... Show moreThis article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In theoretical terms, the general question is addressed of how, on the elementary level of small-scale, relatively traditional society without stratification, central leadership and modern economic features, "violence" is constructed and performed, and how it partly defines the social persona and collectivity of this group, as opposed to others. The author asserts that, while the connections of the Suri with other ethno-cultural groups in a partially shared environment and contacts with State forces are not new - recent political, ecological and other developments have an important transformative impact on their patterns of violence. The past years have shown a serious crisis in the relations between the Chai and their neighbours. Both internal, thus far ritually contained Chai violence, as well as violence towards other groups, tends to break the bounds of custom and to turn into the uninhibited use of force. While it makes available new options for local people, the new violence tends to endanger the coexistence of groups as well as the peace in Chai society itself. Show less
This article deals with the civil war which broke out in Liberia on 24 December 1989, when 100 or more fighters claiming allegiance to the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), led by... Show moreThis article deals with the civil war which broke out in Liberia on 24 December 1989, when 100 or more fighters claiming allegiance to the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL), led by Charles Taylor, advanced over the border from C“te d'Ivoire to attack the town of Butuo in Nimba County. The article examines how Liberia descended into conflict and why it took such violent form. It surveys the political and military events that took place since the NPFL invasion, paying attention to the collapse of the government, the arrival of the Ecomog intervention force in Monrovia in August 1990, the murder of President Doe by Prince Johnson's Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberia (INPFL), the role of Ulimo (United Liberation Movement for Democracy), an organization formed in 1991 by Liberians who had taken refuge in Sierra Leone, the emergence of warlords, the progress of negotiations and developments following the Cotonou Peace Accord of July 1993. It suggests that the causes of the war are not only political, but may also be explained in religious or spiritual terms. Much of the information in the article was acquired during a field trip to Liberia in July 1994. Show less
