The determinants of whether or not an immigrant seeks to become a citizen are still largely invisible to scholars; as are the decisions made during the naturalization process by street-level... Show moreThe determinants of whether or not an immigrant seeks to become a citizen are still largely invisible to scholars; as are the decisions made during the naturalization process by street-level bureaucrats. Research on the acquisition of citizenship has incorporated a number of determinants of naturalization outcomes over the past decades, but lacks the contextualization of immigration law in its relation to criminal law. This systematic literature review of the 140 most-cited papers across the naturalization and crimmigration literatures seeks to construct a theoretical bridge between the disciplines in an effort to illuminate the blind spots challenging naturalization scholarship. I argue that the inclusion of crimmigration as a factor impacting naturalization is essential for scholarship in order to accurately use citizenship policies as an indicator of a state’s overall approach to immigration - particularly regarding residence requirements. The conceptual utilization of crimmigration in the context of citizenship acquisition offers new insights into the underexplored relationship between citizenship policy and the individual migrant, potentially uncovering some of the factors hindering immigrants’ ability to seek formal membership. Evidence within recent crimmigration scholarship points towards the role played by racialization within the functioning of a crimmigration system. This paper reviews the prominent streams of both strands of literature first utilizing a bibliometric analysis of the respective citation networks and second, diving into the substantial developments and parallels in naturalization and crimmigration research. Show less
A substantial body of research has found that social desirability motivates respondents to overstate support for immigration when asked directly, but when provided an unobtrusive means of... Show moreA substantial body of research has found that social desirability motivates respondents to overstate support for immigration when asked directly, but when provided an unobtrusive means of expressing preferences, support declines. In this paper, we ask whether South Koreans follow this pattern, especially with regards to co-ethnic migrants from North Korea and China. We use list experiments to determine whether observed levels of support for general immigration and co-ethnic migration are biased by social desirability. We find that generally respondents overstate their support for co-ethnics from North Korea by a significant amount when asked directly, but not for the other groups, although college-educated respondents overstate their support for general immigration. Social desirability bias with respect to co-ethnics from North Korea is particularly evident in older respondents and males. These findings challenge the notion that native-born citizens prefer co-ethnic immigrants. Show less
A substantial body of research has found that social desirability motivates respondents to overstate support for immigration when asked directly, but when provided an unobtrusive means of... Show moreA substantial body of research has found that social desirability motivates respondents to overstate support for immigration when asked directly, but when provided an unobtrusive means of expressing preferences, support declines. In this paper, we ask whether South Koreans follow this pattern, especially with regards to co-ethnic migrants from North Korea and China. We use list experiments to determine whether observed levels of support for general immigration and co-ethnic migration are biased by social desirability. We find that generally respondents overstate their support for co-ethnics from North Korea by a significant amount when asked directly, but not for the other groups, although college-educated respondents overstate their support for general immigration. Social desirability bias with respect to co-ethnics from North Korea is particularly evident in older respondents and males. These findings challenge the notion that native-born citizens prefer co-ethnic immigrants. Show less
Today the inclusion of non-citizens in the electorate is an increasingly common phenomenon. Yet, we know relatively little about under what conditions some states extend such voting rights to non... Show moreToday the inclusion of non-citizens in the electorate is an increasingly common phenomenon. Yet, we know relatively little about under what conditions some states extend such voting rights to non-citizens earlier than others. In this paper, we investigate the timing of local enfranchisement policies for non-citizens in 28 democracies from 1980 to 2010 using event-history analysis. Adding to the conditions studied in earlier work, we examine the extent to which demographic composition, immigration policy regimes, and political partisanship relate to the timing of non-citizen suffrage. We find that higher shares of immigrant residents delay whereas EU membership and economic openness advance the timing of voting rights for non-citizens. At all demographic heterogeneity conditions, less permissive immigration regimes have been able to enfranchise non-citizens earlier. The findings suggest that, over time, having more left-wing parties in the government accelerates the timing of enfranchisement, while right-wing parties contribute to delays. The article brings forward new data and an original explanatory framework emphasising relevance of partisanship and immigration policy at different demographic contexts. Our analysis sheds light on the idiosyncratic state practices in the timing of enfranchisement reforms adding to the debates in migration and citizenship studies and the broader comparative politics field. Show less
South Korea is slowly but steadily becoming a country of immigrants. In 1998, there were barely 300,000 foreign residents in South Korea. As of 2018, there were more than 2.3 million. The immigrant... Show moreSouth Korea is slowly but steadily becoming a country of immigrants. In 1998, there were barely 300,000 foreign residents in South Korea. As of 2018, there were more than 2.3 million. The immigrant population has yet to reach 5% of the total population, but it is predicted to rise significantly in the years to come. Despite the increase in newcomers, it is not well understood who native South Koreans prefer as immigrants and why. Are immigrant attitudes motivated by co-ethnic solidarity, or are they primarily based on economic and sociotropic concerns? To isolate attitudes on these crucial questions, this research uses a conjoint experiment that simultaneously tests the influence of seven immigrant attributes in generating support for admission. Our results show that broad sociotropic concerns largely drive attitudes towards immigrants in South Korea, but an immigrant’s origin also matters. Prospective newcomers from culturally similar and higher-status countries who can speak Korean and have clear plans to work are most preferred. The research findings will be relevant to the comparative study of immigration attitudes, as well as to researchers interested in the specifics of the South Korean case. Show less
The European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it... Show moreThe European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it is important that the Court offers sufficient guidance on the interpretation of the Convention. It has already been argued that the case law of the Court on the right to respect for family life in immigration cases, lacks consistency in terms of procedural and substantive protection. The inconsistency in the case law is mostly the case in the admission and regularisation case law. This manifests itself in specific issues including the determination of whether an interference has occurred as well as the court’s determination of the best interests of the child. Consequently, the case law difficult to apply by national authorities which leads to widely diverging practices by the Contracting Parties. The objective of this article is to outline the differences and inconsistencies in the different forms of immigration cases and the corresponding compliance tests of the Court. The article aims to offer a solution that would enable both the Court and the Contracting Parties to differentiate the level of protection that is offered by Article 8 in immigration cases, while providing sufficient guidance to national decision-making authorities and judiciaries so that they can efficiently and effectively exercise the primary role they play in the protection of the right to respect for family life in immigration cases. Show less
The European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it... Show moreThe European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it is important that the Court offers sufficient guidance on the interpretation of the Convention. It has already been argued that the case law of the Court on the right to respect for family life in immigration cases, lacks consistency in terms of procedural and substantive protection. The inconsistency in the case law is mostly the case in the admission and regularisation case law. This manifests itself in specific issues including the determination of whether an interference has occurred as well as the court’s determination of the best interests of the child. Consequently, the case law difficult to apply by national authorities which leads to widely diverging practices by the Contracting Parties. The objective of this article is to outline the differences and inconsistencies in the different forms of immigration cases and the corresponding compliance tests of the Court. The article aims to offer a solution that would enable both the Court and the Contracting Parties to differentiate the level of protection that is offered by Article 8 in immigration cases, while providing sufficient guidance to national decision-making authorities and judiciaries so that they can efficiently and effectively exercise the primary role they play in the protection of the right to respect for family life in immigration cases. Show less
The European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it... Show moreThe European Court of Human Rights plays a subsidiary role in the protection of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention. To enable national authorities to perform their primary role, it is important that the Court offers sufficient guidance on the interpretation of the Convention. It has already been argued that the case law of the Court on the right to respect for family life in immigration cases, lacks consistency in terms of procedural and substantive protection. The inconsistency in the case law is mostly the case in the admission and regularisation case law. This manifests itself in specific issues including the determination of whether an interference has occurred as well as the court’s determination of the best interests of the child. Consequently, the case law difficult to apply by national authorities which leads to widely diverging practices by the Contracting Parties. The objective of this article is to outline the differences and inconsistencies in the different forms of immigration cases and the corresponding compliance tests of the Court. The article aims to offer a solution that would enable both the Court and the Contracting Parties to differentiate the level of protection that is offered by Article 8 in immigration cases, while providing sufficient guidance to national decision-making authorities and judiciaries so that they can efficiently and effectively exercise the primary role they play in the protection of the right to respect for family life in immigration cases. Show less
This study concerns three central aspects of multiculturalism, which are closely related to fundamental debates on citizenship and are described as the principal dimensions of multicultural... Show moreThis study concerns three central aspects of multiculturalism, which are closely related to fundamental debates on citizenship and are described as the principal dimensions of multicultural citizenship. The first of these dimensions relates to national belonging: the recognition that citizens of various ethnic and cultural backgrounds belong to the national group. The second dimension bears upon social equality, on grounds such as ethnic origin, religion, gender and sexual orientation. The third dimension is the most defining aspect of multiculturalism: the recognition of cultural distinctiveness of the various groups in society, which is considered necessary (by proponents of multiculturalism) to achieve citizen equality. This study explores views in Dutch society on these potentially divisive issues. Essentially, this study provides insight into the question to which extent society attributes the quality ‘Dutch’ to Dutch citizens from various ethnic and cultural backgrounds. Show less
Mulder, C.; Deutekom, H. van; Huisman, E.M.; Toumanian, S.; Koster, B.F.P.J.; Meijer-Veldman, W.; ... ; Leth, F. van 2012
In order to enhance our understanding of the making of colonial identities, the bond to natal land fundamental to the formation of __self,__ its impact on immigration/repatriation, and the... Show moreIn order to enhance our understanding of the making of colonial identities, the bond to natal land fundamental to the formation of __self,__ its impact on immigration/repatriation, and the hegemonic application of the paradigm of Colonialism to highly diverse colonial encounters, this research engages the voice of North American peoples from Indonesia that were resident in the Dutch East Indies at the end of the colonial era. Participants in a __political order that inscribes in the social world a new conception of space, new forms of personhood, and a new means of manufacturing the experience of the real,__ they encountered the Japanese invasion and Occupation from unique perspectives. In all cases, narrators are peripheral to the ongoing dialogues in the Netherlands and Indonesia that constrain or mobilize what ex-colonial subjects in those countries share. Hence, they utilize divergent schemata to frame __how,__ __what,__ and __why__ they remember. These North American life story narratives represent a critical addition to expatriate and academic accounts of colonial and occupied Indonesia, challenging, confronting, affirming, and elaborating other life histories and scholarly investigations. The textual differences expose variations in operative memory; North American life histories, contrasted with those collected from expatriates living in Holland and Belgium, or Indonesians residing in Indonesia, demonstrate the powerful impact a narrator__s current environment exerts on an individual__s perceptions of his/her personal past. That certain themes receive elaboration, and others marginalization, sheds light on how societies and bodies remember, but equally important, how they forget and go on to forge viable practical models to help them endure.__ Show less
In de periode 1945-1995 kwamen immigranten uit de (ex-)koloniën, buitenlandse werknemers en vluchtelingen/asielzoekers Nederland binnen. Ze hadden onderdak nodig. Hoe werden ze ontvangen en gingen... Show moreIn de periode 1945-1995 kwamen immigranten uit de (ex-)koloniën, buitenlandse werknemers en vluchtelingen/asielzoekers Nederland binnen. Ze hadden onderdak nodig. Hoe werden ze ontvangen en gingen ze er in de huisvesting bijhoren? In dit proefschrift is nagegaan of immigranten werden ingesloten in het bestel huisvesting en in de praktijk. Een belangrijke rol in in- of uitsluiting speelde definiëring: hoe werden nieuwkomers gezien? Het Ministerie van VROM en de woningcorporaties waren belangrijke organisaties waarmee immigranten te maken kregen. Hun vrijheid van handelen konden ze gebruiken om nieuwkomers in- of uit te sluiten. Het minderhedenbeleid (begin jaren tachtig) stelde alle ingezetenen gelijk. Dat betekende gelijke rechten én gelijke kansen voor iedereen. Beëindigden VROM en de woningcorporaties de achterstandspositie van immigranten en creëerden zij gelijke kansen? Vooral de positie van Surinamers/Antillianen en Turken/Marokkanen is nader onderzocht. In 1995 bleek de woonpositie van Surinamers/Antillianen nagenoeg gelijk aan die van autochtonen, de positie van Turken en Marokkanen bleef achter. De corporaties waren lang doorgegaan met het achterstellen van nieuwkomers, door hen te weigeren, te plaatsen waar zij hen hebben wilden, of slechtere huizen te verhuren. De gevolgen werkten lang door. VROM is deze handelwijze onvoldoende tegengegaan: het minderhedenbeleid werd door VROM ondergeschikt gemaakt aan het algemene volkshuisvestingsbeleid. De migratiegeschiedenis laat zien dat het overgrote deel van nieuwkomers er enkele generaties over doet om in de nieuwe samenleving opgenomen te worden, dit proefschrift laat zien dat de ontvangende samenleving er net zo lang over doet om te integreren Show less
