The article consists of a preliminary analysis of data of a sample-survey, conducted after the elections for the municipal council of Amsterdam, June 1966. Special emphasis is laid on social... Show moreThe article consists of a preliminary analysis of data of a sample-survey, conducted after the elections for the municipal council of Amsterdam, June 1966. Special emphasis is laid on social background variables, political attitudes and motives of the floating voters. The electorates of the Pacifist Socialist Party and of the Farmers’ Party are studied, as well as the electorate of a new political movement; the Proves. Furthermore, distributions are presented of voters’ opinions on three issues that were hotly debated before the elections: the marriage of Princess Beatrix to Mr. Claus von Arnsberg, a German; the treatment of the proves by the police, and the constitutional position of the mayor. Data on the social background variables and political attitudes of the floating voters do not support the hypothesis that it is mainly the uninterested and apathetic voter who floats. A study of their motives reveals, furthermore, that floaters themselves see their change of party choice as a meaningful political gesture. The voters for the Pacifist Socialist Party, as well as Farmers’ Party-voters — small parties of the radical left and the extreme right respectively — feel less than other voters that their parties represent their political views adequately, and they feel a greater need for a new party that does represent their views. Provo-voters are, on the whole, more attracted by Provo’s constructive plans than by the more anarchistic aspects of their platform. As the Farmers’ Patty is often designated in the press and by political commentators as a neo-fascist party, their voters’ attitudes towards freedom of speech are compared. Voters of the Farmers’ Party do not show themselves to be more intolerant than other voters in this respect. With regard to the opinions on the above-mentioned issues: 28% of the Amsterdam electorate declared to have been opposed to tire marriage of Princess Beatrix; 25% of the voters disapproved of the treatment of the Proves by the police; a majority of the voters, 53%, showed a preference for a system whereby citizens elect the mayor over the present system of governmentappointed mayorspossible constitutional developments by a curtailment of the constitution’s size, has unfortunately not been accompanied by a clear insight into future social, economic and political developments. These could stimulate, or even necessitate, an easier procedure of revision of the constitution. The Concept was drafted by a group of civil servants, assisted by juridical advisers, — a fact that made it only a technical revision with a conservative flavour. One of the important problems concerns the cabinet formation with its consultation procedure. The present system keeps the parties from binding themselves to coalition partners before the elections — a deplorable situation. The abolishment of political parties would not be very realistic, for political parties are more than mere rational istic ‘channels of political opinion’ — their life and function is based above all upon their social roots. The same applies to a revision of our electoral system; the distribution of the votes is determined by these same social forces rather than by the system. These social factors also make the use of compromise and coalition inevitable. In the author’s view, the solution lies in a revision of the formation procedure, which would enable the parties to present to the electorate several alternative coalition governments before the elections (by way of combining their lists). On this point a revision of the constitution, although not formally required, deserves recommendation. Show less
The article describes the Amsterdam election campaign of June 1966, which, since it took place after the marriage of Princess Beatrix on March 10 and after the clashes between Proves and police,... Show moreThe article describes the Amsterdam election campaign of June 1966, which, since it took place after the marriage of Princess Beatrix on March 10 and after the clashes between Proves and police, was rather tumultuous. The elections for the Provincial Councils in March showed a big change in Dutch politics. The Labour Party lost considerably, whereas the Farmers’ Party and the Pacifist Socialist Party made the largest gains. It was against this turbulent background that the municipal elections were held on June 1; there were fifteen parties contesting the 45 seats in the Municipal Council. The campaign showed a lot of new aspects. The Labour Party tried to stress local issues; it used campaign methods which were new in the Netherlands, such as the establishment of town districts each with its own candidate; this party and the Liberal Party held hearings. The Labour Party directed its campaign especially to the youth of Amsterdam, for example by organizing political discussions with beatbands, the so-called ’Walk- in-Talk in’. The Provos had their own political movement, ’Provo’. 'They held a campaign with an artistic flavour and put forward many original proposals for solving local problems. Some remarkable results were; 1. Provo got its best results in the higher status areas of the town and especially in the inner city; 2. the percentage} of absenteism increased from lower status to higher status areas of the town; 3. some candidates, who held a personal campaign in their own district or neighbourhood, obtained a remarkable number of preference voters in that district; 4. in some districts the Labour Party obtained favourable results with their campaining activities, but in other districts the results were nil or even negative. It may be concluded that it is very difficult to discover the electoral results of an election campaign in the Netherlands. Show less
In this article a survey is given of various background data of the leaders of Dutch cabinets since 1848. A comparative study by the Interparliamentary Union is quoted, which stresses the fact that... Show moreIn this article a survey is given of various background data of the leaders of Dutch cabinets since 1848. A comparative study by the Interparliamentary Union is quoted, which stresses the fact that in the Netherlands the Head of Government can be chosen by the Sovereign from outside the parliament, although he must have the confidence of the parliament. Of the thirty-seven persons who have acted as cabinet-leaders since 1948, nine had been both members of parliament and ministers, eleven had only been members of parliament, eleven started their political careers as ministers and six had been neither ministers nor members of parliament. Most of them (18) came from the western part (’Holland’) of the Netherlands, Until the First World War the Liberals dominated: all in all, thirteen cabinet-leaders were Liberals, ten were Anti-Revolutionaries, six Roman Catholic, six Conservatives or former Liberals and two were Socialists. A comparison is made between cabinet-leaders who have been members of parliament and those who have not. Few clear differences can be discovered. Cabinet-leaders who have not been members of parliament are to be found among the representatives of all parties. ’Prime-Ministers’ who do not originate from the parliament seldom have their term continued. The author criticizes the practice of obtaining cabinet-leaders from outside the parliament. In difficult times parliamentary leaders should themselves face the responsibility of forming and leading a cabinet. Show less
It is disappointing that the concept makes no mention of the Dutch political parties in spite of their complexity, for political parties are among the most ! important power-regulating channels of... Show moreIt is disappointing that the concept makes no mention of the Dutch political parties in spite of their complexity, for political parties are among the most ! important power-regulating channels of a political system. The Dutch electoral system of proportional representation is not touched upon, either; only minor linguistic corrections are proposed. The author devotes special attention to the proposed change of article 88 — ‘The Estates-General represent the whole of the Dutch people’ — into — ‘The Estates-General represent the Dutch people and article 96 — The members vote without mandate or consultation of those who appoint’ — into — ‘The members vote without mandate’ —. He considers this to be detrimental to the idea of the ‘united popular will’, while at the same time the legal reins of ‘those who appoint’ — i.e. the political parties — are loosened. The author objects to certain practices e.g. of the Catholic People’s Party, where a Party Congress can force certain elected persons to vacate their seat; the Concept s new version would sanction this practice. In the author’s view, a voters’ judgment should not be canceled by party members. Show less
The present constitution devotes a great deal of space and attention to the person and the position of the king — which is understandable in view of the fact that it was drafted in a time of post... Show moreThe present constitution devotes a great deal of space and attention to the person and the position of the king — which is understandable in view of the fact that it was drafted in a time of post-revolutionary royal restoration. The Concept’s tenor, apart from technical improvements, is a different one. It proposes that the king’s position be increasingly given the character of a public office — with an easy abdication procedure and the possibility of not appointing an heir to the throne. Mystique should be practically non-existent. Expressions like ‘His Majesty’ have disappeared; words like ‘crown’, ‘king’ etc. should no longer be capitalized, the expressions of humility in the communication between the monarch and the parliament should no longer be used. Also the king’s formal role should be diminished. He would no longer be president of the Council of State, and no longer appoint the presidents of both Chambers of parliament. More important is, that he would no longer possess the formal executive power (as he has in the present constitution) — the new version would be ‘the ministers and the king together constitute the government’ and ‘the king acts as head of the government’. From a political point of view, the Concept does not deal with current discussions on the question whether there should be a king at all. In the new version the confusion in the use of the words ‘king’, ‘government’, and ‘crown’ which exists in the present constitution is continued. For example it would not yet be clear whether the king has the right to dissolve the parliament. Show less
The Concept for a new Constitution’ gives deplorably few guarantees for the organizational unity of administration, which is so greatly needed in our country. From an organizational point of view,... Show moreThe Concept for a new Constitution’ gives deplorably few guarantees for the organizational unity of administration, which is so greatly needed in our country. From an organizational point of view, it is a fatal misunderstanding to put together under one title ‘Legislation’ and ‘Administration’, two such totally different public institutions as parliament and government. We need a clear, separate regulation of our administration, which would enable us to use modern and more efficient administrative techniques. Especially the hierarchical principle should be followed more consistently than it has been up till now: one officeholder, i.e. the prime minister, should be constitutionally responsible for the good operation of our administration. A separate chapter of the constitution should be called ‘Administration’; the first articles of this chapter could be: 1. the prime minister is head of the administration; 2. the organization and operation of the administration are established by law. The author sees no need to have the general principles of administrative law established by law, as proposed, in addition to general rules concerning the operation of the administration. There is a desperate need for a doctrine for the modern democratic administration, based on law, administration studies and practice. Show less
The author discusses the problems faced when one uses foreign or professional expressions in a Dutch context. Should professional terms that originate in the foreign language, such as ’support’, ... Show moreThe author discusses the problems faced when one uses foreign or professional expressions in a Dutch context. Should professional terms that originate in the foreign language, such as ’support’, ’demands’, ’feedback’ etc. be laboriously translated into Dutch or should be left untranslated? That is a question which is continuously tackled by Dutch scholars, especially in fields — such as political science — where the main body of literature is in English. Besides the translation problem there is the problem of the use of professional language. The author concedes that especially in political science there exists a need for professional terminology, in view of the fact that in practical politics many words are used to persuade by' way of suggestion rather than to increase factual insight. He warns, however, against the use of professional words only for the sake of sounding professional. Moreover, although it is a worthy endeavor to strive for a completely unambiguous professional language, it will never be possible to succeed entirely in this task. As soon as the world outside the profession gets hold of such a term, its meaning is bound to change. The author warns against the hidden suggestive meaning words may contain. For example, in modern literature on international military strategy, the terms that are used may contain meanings which hide more than they reveal. The use of definitions and foreign expressions does not protect us from ambiguity and suggestive meanings. Therefore, it is wise to stay as close as possible to the normal spoken language and to translate, as much as possible, the foreign terms into Dutch. As long as the majority of the people in this country does not speak another language fluently, the use of Dutch, when writing for Dutch readers, should facilitate communication and preclude misunderstanding. Show less
After having stressed the importance of the organizational structure of the political parties in a democracy, the author examines the structure of the ten political parties which had, in the period... Show moreAfter having stressed the importance of the organizational structure of the political parties in a democracy, the author examines the structure of the ten political parties which had, in the period 1963—1967, representatives in the Second Chamber of Parliament, paying particular attention to the extent to which the members have a say in the party. On the basis of the different kinds of elections (local, provincial. First Chamber, Second Chamber) the organs of the party are divided into six levels (table 1). For each level the powers of the organs in question are discussed, in particular the power to elect, to nominate or to delegate individuals in the organs placed higher in table 1. The party-members, the lowest level in table 1, have only the power to elect, to nominate or to delegate for the next level. For all the other levels their power in this respect is indirect. In general it can be said that thè higher the level of the organ, the more indirect the power of the party-member is concerning the composition of that organ. In the composition of these higher placed organs, other organs — on the the composition of which the party members have no or little influence — have an important say. This kind of organizational structure may easiliy give rise to feelings of frustration on the part of the party-members and hampers their activation and participation. Show less
When drafting a constitution, it is not only the formulation that matters, but I also and above all the purpose for which the constitution is drafted. The purpose of a new Dutch constitution should... Show moreWhen drafting a constitution, it is not only the formulation that matters, but I also and above all the purpose for which the constitution is drafted. The purpose of a new Dutch constitution should be to safeguard the political achievements which are generally accepted and approved in our country. Therefore not a diminution, but an expansion of the size of the constitution is needed, i.e, a safeguard for as many achievements as possible. A constitution is not intended to solve political disputes, but to lay down generally accepted solutions — discussion is only possible about the question of which solutions are sufficiently ‘generally accepted’ to be included in the constitution, and about the removal of barriers to these solutions within the constitution itself. The authors of the ‘Concept of a new Constitution’ have intended to enhance 1 its normative character by omitting ‘non-juridical and programmatic articles’ and j ‘definitions of the purpose of the governmental activity’, ! Matters mentioned in the constitution should be binding — the pretended contrast between ‘juridical’ and ‘programmatic’ is irrelevant. ‘ ‘Purposes’ can be subdivided into ‘program issues’ (i.e. situations to be realised in the future) and ‘achievements’ (id. ., in the present) — the authors of the ) Concept make a mistake in throwing away all ‘purposes’ along with the ‘program issues’. Ï Among the generally accepted political achievements are the basic social rights. 2 In the concept they are only mentioned in article 69 (‘the law lays down rules ' about the social rights of the residents’), without further explanation, because Î ‘it is superfluous to give an explicit formulation of these rights, as far as they are 5 already incorporated in the national legal system’ (p. 139). ( Basic social rights can be defined as ‘the claims of men and groups to (an) active j governmental interference, which purports to a removal of the barriers between 3 man and his development.’ Examples of these are the right to employment, j vacation, educational facilities, financial aid in case of sickness, old age, disability ! and unemployment; medical care, workers’ participation in industrial management, profit-sharing, pensions, and subsidies. In Dutch law none of these rights exists as such, although there is a good deal of regulation on these points to be found in the legislation. ' These basic social rights should be included in the constitution. Show less
The authors of the proposals for a new constitution have performed their task skilfully, but their task was ill-conceived. Technical reasons are mainly given as arguments for the drafting of the... Show moreThe authors of the proposals for a new constitution have performed their task skilfully, but their task was ill-conceived. Technical reasons are mainly given as arguments for the drafting of the Concept: the present constitution was considered to be too lengthy and inconveniently arranged. With regard to these arguments, the author fails to see why the old text, which has proved its usefulness for the past 150 years, should disappear. The interpretations provided by constitutional lawyers are at present sufficient to understand the constitution. The author objects even more to the proposed substantial innovations, such as the changes in the legislative procedure, because, as far as there has been a real input of the political parties, this input is 8 or 12 years old (Van Schaik Commission 1954, Donner Commission 1958). For the more recent developments the authors of the Concept have been guided by their own ‘civil servants’ attitude, which is a-political or even anti-political. Proposals for political innovations should be initiated by the political parties, and not by a number of anonymous civil servants. Finally, the Concept in no way solves the great political problems of our country, such as the diminishing governability of the country resulting from the insufficient operation of the patty system. Show less
In every community people are continually subjected to political power. This leads to counter-forces, which differ in quantity and quality. One of these counterforces — political protest — differs... Show moreIn every community people are continually subjected to political power. This leads to counter-forces, which differ in quantity and quality. One of these counterforces — political protest — differs in several respects from opposition and rebellion. Opposition and protest are both directed against the government and governmental policy, but not against the regime, as is the case with rebellion. Both are non-violent, while violence is an important element in a rebellion. Opposition takes place according to carefully prescribed rules while political protest does not make use of the existing institutional channels. Though often strongly expressed, opposition can always be seen as a form of cooperation, political protest is obstruction, breaking laws and regulations in order to provoke the authorities to actions (even the use of violence) which will give the protests greater publicity and discredit the opponents. Opposition is directed against the entire governmental policy; political protest is directed against one or several parts of that policy. However, the protest can be a tactical means of a wider activity, which does intend to undermine and eventually to overthrow the existing regime. The effectiveness of political decisions is based on the degree to which relevant reactions to these decisions are foreseen. By smothering or ignoring these reactions the effectiveness or authority is promoted only in appearance. The stability of a political system is based on the degree to which that system is able to register and digest dissatisfaction and renew impulses. In view of those considerations political protest should be seen as a constructive element for the very reason that it operates outside the institutionalized channels. The official political institutions are created and manned by the establishment; they may sincerely strive for legality and fairness, but in social and political aspects they are not unbiased. Political protest creates an outlet for criticism, which prevents an accumulation of sentiments of dissatisfaction; it provides the authorities with more extensive information about resistances within the population than the constitutional institutions can offer; it provides the citizen with a possibility for greater variance in his political behavior than would be possible otherwise. Political protests and the freedom of demonstration which is needed for it, should be hindered as little as possible. Show less
The praiseworthy intention of the authors of the Concept to pave the way for possible constitutional developments by a curtailment of the constitution’s size, has unfortunately not been accompanied... Show moreThe praiseworthy intention of the authors of the Concept to pave the way for possible constitutional developments by a curtailment of the constitution’s size, has unfortunately not been accompanied by a clear insight into future social, economic and political developments. These could stimulate, or even necessitate, an easier procedure of revision of the constitution. The Concept was drafted by a group of civil servants, assisted by juridical advisers, — a fact that made it only a technical revision with a conservative flavour. One of the important problems concerns the cabinet formation with its consultation procedure. The present system keeps the parties from binding themselves to coalition partners before the elections — a deplorable situation. The abolishment of political parties would not be very realistic, for political parties are more than mere rationalistic ‘channels of political opinion’ — their life and function is based above all upon their social roots. The same applies to a revision of our electoral system; the distribution of the votes is determined by these same social forces rather than by the system. These social factors also make the use of compromise and coalition inevitable. In the author’s view, the solution lies in a revision of the formation procedure, which would enable the parties to present to the electorate several alternative coalition governments before the elections (by way of combining their lists). On this point a revision of the constitution, although not formally required, deserves recommendation. Show less
This article is an extensive review of G. A. Almond and S. Verba, The civic culture: political attitudes and democracy in five nations, Princeton, N.J., 1963. The study is one of the first... Show moreThis article is an extensive review of G. A. Almond and S. Verba, The civic culture: political attitudes and democracy in five nations, Princeton, N.J., 1963. The study is one of the first important works in the new branch in political science — comparative politics. It certainly is a trend setter in the behavioral approach to the cross-cultural study op political phenomena and as such its value can hardly be overestimated. The central question asked by the researchers is whether a significant correlation or congruence between the subjective experience among citizens exists — political culture — and the working of the political systems they live in. An effort is being made to measure the attitudes of citizens in systems ‘democracies’ towards their governments and their own place and role as citizens. The main criticisms are directed against the use of the concept ‘culture’ — exclusively operationally defined —, the more or less arbitrary way in which the democracies are differentiated and the fact that the authors do not pay much attention to intervening variables between what they call the micro level of attitudes and the macro level of systems variables — in spite of their promise to do this. These criticisms are mainly an expression of disappointment,, in view of the importance, scope and costs of this study. Show less
