Comment imaginer la forme de l'Etat dans sa gestion de la cohabitation ethnique sous un angle positif pour l'Afrique aujourd'hui et demain? Telle est la question thématique fondamentale de... Show moreComment imaginer la forme de l'Etat dans sa gestion de la cohabitation ethnique sous un angle positif pour l'Afrique aujourd'hui et demain? Telle est la question thématique fondamentale de Pascal Touoyem de Cameroon. La réalité ethnique en Afrique continue d'être déterminante comme dimension absolue de l'existence individuelle et collective au point de constituer une hypothèque grave pour ce qui est du fonctionnement normal de ces Etats. C'est pourquoi le continent noir est riche en Etats faillis, effondrés, ou en passe de le devenir. A l'ère globale, le modèle politique de l'Etat multi-ethnique doit permettre la mise en perspective d'un néo-constitutionnalisme démotique (de 'demos' ou peuple) permettant de restituer aux ethnies, leur statut de nations sociologiques. L'enjeu étant celui de jeter les bases d'une renaissance politique africaine adossée sur la nature plurinationale des sociétés africaines par-delà le multipartisme. Le nouveau pacte social et politique qui fonde l'Etat multi-ethnique permettrait ainsi aux pays d'Afrique noire de se doter d'une démocratie fondée sur le principe 'gagnant-gagnant'. La théorie de l'Etat multinational ouvre la perspective d'une innovation constitutionnelle, politique et conceptuelle des sociétés plurinationales au XXIe siècle: celle d'une refondation de notre imaginaire pour une réorientation globale de la pensée politique africaine dans ses besoins, ses désirs, ses quêtes, ses attentes et ses espérances. Show less
One of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political... Show moreOne of the core principles instituted by the post-1991 government in Ethiopia that took power after a successful armed struggle was ethnic-based federalism, informed by a neo-Leninist political model called revolutionary democracy. In this model, devised by the reigning Tigray People's Liberation Front (later EPRDF), ethnic identity was to be the basis of politics. Identities of previously non-dominant groups were constitutionally recognized and the idea of pan-Ethiopian identity de-emphasized. This article examines the general features and effects of this new political model, often dubbed an ''experiment'', with regard to ideas of federal democracy, socio-economic inclusiveness, and ethno-cultural and political rights. After 20 years of TPLF/EPRDF rule, the dominant rhetorical figure in Ethiopian politics is that of ethnicity, which has permeated daily life and overtaken democratic decision-making and shared issue-politics. The federal state, despite according nominal decentralized power to regional and local authorities, is stronger than any previous Ethiopian state and has developed structures of central control and top-down rule that preclude local initiative and autonomy. Ethnic and cultural rights were indeed accorded, and a new economic dynamics is visible. Political liberties, respect for human rights and economic equality are however neglected, and ethnic divisions are on the increase, although repressed. Ethiopia's recent political record thus shows mixed results, with positive elements but also an increasingly authoritarian governance model recalling the features of the country's traditional hierarchical and autocratic political culture. This may produce more debate on the need for ''adjusting the experiment''. Show less
This book presents new empirically based and theoretically informed studies on the contemporary social and economic dynamics of Africa, dealing with developments in the arenas of politics,... Show moreThis book presents new empirically based and theoretically informed studies on the contemporary social and economic dynamics of Africa, dealing with developments in the arenas of politics, economics and cultural struggle. These domains are closely interlinked. In their widest definition, culture and politics intermingle and recombine in surprising and sometimes disturbing ways. They always have a definite economic logic as well, informing value commitments and behaviour in the broader sense. Politics and economic life in Africa have, perhaps more visibly than elsewhere, influential and cultural aspects and referents, such as religion and ethnicity, which often play a constitutive role. 'Culture' and its symbolism are used instrumentally in the political, economic and social struggles in today's Africa, marked by a preoccupation with 'development'. The studies in this book underline the interplay of new hegemomic struggles of a material but also ideological nature. Show less
The political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided... Show moreThe political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided space for students to organize and voice their multiple grievances about the poor living and study conditions on campus as well as the process of "institutional liberalization", which blocked their pursuit of upward mobility. The unprecedented degree of violence that accompanied the protracted strikes may be attributed not only to the persistent refusal of the university authorities and the regime to enter into any meaningful form of dialogue with the students, but also to the internal divisions among the students along party and ethnoregional lines. The major lines of division were between two groups: the "stranger" students organized in the Students' Parliament and closely allied to the radical opposition; and the "autochthonous" Beti students organized in the Committee for Self-Defense and the Beti militia and closely allied to the regime in power. In their fight with Parliament, the latter groups resorted to violent forms of ethnic exclusion to reestablish control over what they considered to be their university and to maintain their regime in power. (Journal abstract) Show less
Alcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic... Show moreAlcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic groups in society. The case study presented in this chapter highlights cultural aspects of social inequality and ethnic stratification by tracing the ambivalent connections between alcohol, power and cultural dominance in the Maji region of southern Ethiopia, where the author carried out fieldwork in 1995/1996. Maji society's 'drinking situation' reflects the area's history of divergent ethnocultural traditions and exposure of people to State narratives of civilization and governance. Historically, the local people, among them the Dizi, Me'en and Suri, were deemed politically and culturally less civilized by the central State and the northern immigrants. The Suri, as agropastoralist lowlanders, were considered especially coarse in their mannerisms and livelihood pursuits. Alcohol (ab)use is explained by many non-Suri northerners in the neighbouring villages as another example of the Suri's 'backward' social behaviour. This chapter explores the basis of such remarks and what they reveal about hegemonic relations and group prestige. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The papers brought together in this volume were originally presented at a symposium on the culture, history and economy of the Otjiherero-speaking people - the Herero and the Himba - of Namibia,... Show moreThe papers brought together in this volume were originally presented at a symposium on the culture, history and economy of the Otjiherero-speaking people - the Herero and the Himba - of Namibia, which was held in Siegberg, Germany, in September 1997. The papers are grouped in five parts: The emergence of pastoral strategies and social developments in southwestern Africa (contributions by Andrew B. Smith, Thomas Frank, Tilman Lenssen-Erz and Wilhelm J.G. M”hlig) - Formations and transformations of pastoral societies (Dag Henrichsen, Jan-Bart Gewald, Hildi Hendrickson, Wolfgang Werner) - The economic organization of livestock husbandry in the 20th century (Michael Bollig, Itaru Ohta, Ute Stahl, Giorgio Miescher) - Conceptualizations of environment and society (Steven van Wolputte, Andreas E. Eckl, David Crandall, Christofer W„rnl”f) - Maintaining pastoral identities on the periphery (Jeremy Silvester, Thomas Widlok, Ruy Duarte de Carvalho). The papers are preceded by an introduction on the transformations of pastoral society in Namibia by Michael Bollig and Jan-Bart Gewald. Show less
L'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l... Show moreL'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l'identité de groupe et de la violence. Ces transformations apparaissent dans les relations changeantes entre la société locale et l'État dans la Corne de l'Afrique, où l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'interaction entre le niveau local et celui de l'État. Pour traiter du premier niveau, l'auteur décrit les évolutions qui se sont produites au sein d'une société agropastorale du sud de l'Éthiopie: les Suri sont un exemple typique d'une société locale transformée par la mondialisation. A cause de leur insertion dans des interactions plus larges au niveau régional et national, la violence qui était intégrée dans la culture est redéfinie, elle n'est plus ritualisée et elle devient plus instrumentale. L'étude du deuxième et troisième niveau se concentre sur l'évolution du cadre de la violence politique de l'État en Éthiopie et en Somalie. Les violences des groupes politiques et de l'État étaient étroitement liées à l'échec du projet de la modernisation des deux pays. Cependant, ces derniers sont très différents du point de vue des bases sociales et régionales sur lesquelles ils forment leur identité et se mobilisent politiquement. En définitive, l'article montre l'importance croissante des réponses violentes en tant que force de résistance dans le cadre de la mondialisation. Bibliogr., notes, réf., rés. en français (p. 201) et en anglais (p. 205) Show less
In 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper... Show moreIn 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper discusses some issues of ethnicity and the "national project" in Ethiopia in relation to the Southern Regional State, officially the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS), which has a population of 11 million, or some 17 percent of the total Ethiopian population. The Southern Region, known for its notable ethnolinguistic diversity, is a double challenge: to the Ethiopian federation, because of this diversity and the lack of a dominant ethnic majority; and to the development of the region itself, in search of a coalition of ethnic elites that will manage policy and administration, and an appropriate role of ethnic identity. The paper sketches the history and ethnocultural diversity of the "South"; its economic and political role within the Federation; changing politics of identity resulting in patterns of cooperation and conflict; and the role of ethnicity as political construct and sociocultural identity. The South is a region vital to the redefinition and survival of the Ethiopian federation and of Ethiopian nationhood. There is a need in this multi-ethnic region to sustain commonalities bridging differences and to define common issues and interests of efficient governance and economic development. There are new opportunities for the Southern people. The price of the heightened organizational significance of ethnicity is the increased volatility and conflict potential of ethnic group consciousness. Show less
According to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and... Show moreAccording to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and administration and as such has been enshrined in the Federal Constitution of December 1994. Yet the Constitution's explicit reinstatement of ethnicity in law coincides with a politico-economic situation which has made ethnoregional groups more interdependent than ever before, and where the central State has come to play an essential role as a resource and a mechanism of redistribution. The author looks at the way in which ethnicity is translated in the clauses on nationality rights, noting the originality of the Constitution, on the one hand, and the difficulties and ambiguities surrounding the structures of implementation of the ethnicization formula, on the other. The impression arises that "self-determination" has been granted for rhetorical and ideological purposes, and that the central federal government has no intention of relinquishing real power. There is, furthermore, no possibility of judicial review by the courts of State executive and legislative powers. Nor has the Constitution solved the problem of reconciling the various generations of rights. Moreover, the failure to define or design the Ethiopian polity as an arena of compromise or issue politics creates problems for the realization of a country-wide democratic polity. Notes, ref., sum. (p. i) Show less
Peut-on considérer que les Fulbe forment un peuple unique, malgré leur dispersion, dans la mesure où ils partagent la même langue? En comparant le discours des anthropologues et des linguistes à... Show morePeut-on considérer que les Fulbe forment un peuple unique, malgré leur dispersion, dans la mesure où ils partagent la même langue? En comparant le discours des anthropologues et des linguistes à propos du concept de 'pulaaku', les auteurs soulèvent la question de la complexité qu'il y a à définir l'ethnicité peule. Alors que certains y voient une sorte d'invariant du monde peul lorsque 'pulaaku' signifie 'code moral' ou 'comportement', dans le delta intérieur du Niger, ou au Massina (Mali), le même mot désigne l'ensemble de la communauté des Fulbe par rapport aux sociétés voisines. En guise d'exemple, les auteurs présentent les mots avec lesquels les Fulbe du clan Jallube du Hayre, dans le Mali central, expriment effectivement 'le code moral'. Elles montrent que les divers groupes sociaux d'une communauté (en l'occurrence les pasteurs et les anciens esclaves) peuvent désigner de façons différentes le contenu des éléments du code moral. Or, dans tous les cas, le discours sur l'identité est une simplification de la réalité, et cela risque de faire d'un peuple une entité artificielle et d''oublier' tout ce qui fait sa diversité et ses différences. L'utilisation du terme 'pulaaku' est le reflet de ce processus. Show less
Ethiopië lijkt een fase van 'deconstructie en reconstructie' door te maken sinds de val van het regime Mengistu in mei 1991. Het land is in een proces van politieke herstructurering verwikkeld... Show moreEthiopië lijkt een fase van 'deconstructie en reconstructie' door te maken sinds de val van het regime Mengistu in mei 1991. Het land is in een proces van politieke herstructurering verwikkeld en poogt een basis te leggen voor een meer open, democratische samenleving. Als gevolg van bijna vier jaar overgangsbeleid is Ethiopië reeds aanzienlijk veranderd: er bestaat vrede en relatieve rust; er is veel meer sociale en politieke vrijheid; er is een opener, markt-georiënteerde economie, met betere voorwaarden voor economische activiteit; het bewind is erin geslaagd etniciteit of 'nationaliteit' een alom tegenwoordig punt te maken onder de bevolking; decentralisatie en 'etnisering' van de regio's zijn vergevorderd, ofschoon de feitelijke controle nog steeds bij de centrale regering ligt. Een probleem vormt de dominantie van het EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front) en de TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) en de relatie tussen de zittende machthebbers en de oppositie. De verkiezingen van juni 1994 en mei 1995 leidden tot een versterking van de positie van de zittende regering, maar losten de problemen van representativiteit en legitimiteit van deze regering niet op. Het dilemma van etnisering en/of representatieve democratie blijft voorlopig nog bestaan. Noten, samenvatting in het Engels (p. 624) Show less
L'expérience de renouveau politique en Éthiopie est en cours depuis 1991, lorsque le régime du colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam fut remplacé par une coalition de mouvements de guérilla à base ethnique... Show moreL'expérience de renouveau politique en Éthiopie est en cours depuis 1991, lorsque le régime du colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam fut remplacé par une coalition de mouvements de guérilla à base ethnique dirigée par l'EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front). La politique de restructuration démocratique du TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) est fondée sur le postulat que la démocratisation ne pourra être établie qu'à travers la réalisation des droits ethniques des différentes 'nationalités' du pays. L'Éthiopie devrait donc devenir une fédération démocratique de régions-ethnies au lieu de rester un État unitaire. Cet article évoque les implications d'une telle ligne idéologique et évalue les élections 'démocratiques' tenues depuis 1992. Pour une partie croissante de la population, la politique de restructuration devient décevante. La République fédérale d'Éthiopie a été réalisée le 8 décembre 1994 avec l'adoption par l'Assemblée constituante de la nouvelle Constitution. Mais les partis d'opposition les plus importants ne sont pas satisfaits et ils sont tentés de boycotter les élections nationales prévues pour mai ou juin 1995. Postscriptum, réf Show less
This paper explores the cultural dynamics of ethnicity in the context of a postcolonial African State, Zambia. The opening sections define ethnicity and pinpoint its central dilemma: while... Show moreThis paper explores the cultural dynamics of ethnicity in the context of a postcolonial African State, Zambia. The opening sections define ethnicity and pinpoint its central dilemma: while unmistakably constructed and thus selectively empowering the brokers coordinating the construction process, ethnicity nonetheless tends to pose as unchangeable, innate and inescapable. The paper then presents an analysis of the Kazanga festival which has been taking place since 1988 among the Nkoya in western Zambia. As an instance of ethnic self-representation vis-…-vis the national State, the annual festival brings out the extent to which cultural reconstruction in ethnicity radically transforms local historical cultural forms into a global idiom of performance, inequality along class and gender lines, and commodification or folklorization of culture. Yet such transformation is shown to have a revitalizing effect on local expressive culture and on the historic kingship, and is argued to be a survival strategy for local cultural forms in a globalizing world. The author attended the Kazanga festival in 1989, and again in 1994. In a postscript he outlines changes which have taken place since 1989. Show less
The chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an... Show moreThe chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an introductory chapter, by Richard Fardon and Graham Furniss, and three parts. Part 1, West Africa, contains papers by Ayo Bamgbose (multilingualism), C. Magbaily Fyle (policy toward Krio in Sierra Leone), Mamoud Akanni Igu‚ and Raphael Windali N'ou‚ni (the politics of language in B‚nin), Ben Ohi Elugbe (minority language development in Rivers and Bendel States, Nigeria), Gillian F. Hansford (mother tongue literacy among the Chumburung speakers in Ghana). Part 2, Central and Southern Africa, contains papers by J.M.M. Katupha (language use in Mozambique), Jean Benjamin (language and the struggle for racial equality in the development of a non-racial southern African nation), Nhlanhla P. Maake (a new language policy for post-apartheid South Africa), James Fairhead (linguistic pluralism in a Bwisha community, eastern Zaire), Wim van Binsbergen (minority languages in Zambia (Nkoya) and Botswana (Kalanga)). Part 3, East Africa, contains papers by Gnter Schlee (loanwords in Oromo and Rendille), Jan Blommaert (the metaphors of modernization in Tanzanian language policy), David Parkin (Arabic, Swahili and the vernaculars in Kenya). Show less
