The terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001 represent a seminal event in American history, catalyzing a 20-year period in which counterterrorism was the top priority for US national security. Yet... Show moreThe terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001 represent a seminal event in American history, catalyzing a 20-year period in which counterterrorism was the top priority for US national security. Yet, our understanding of US counterterrorism policy and the factors driving its evolution remains varied and unclear.In this dissertation, two dimensions of policy perspective and mode of thinking are integrated into a framework called the Policy Profile Code (PPC), a model that helps us understand the options policymakers have when confronted with crisis. Through the PPC, we metaphorically named the profiles of a policymaker: The Commander, The Prosecutor, The Negotiator, and The Doctor. When applying the PPC to each US presidential administration (Bush, Obama, and Trump) across the 20-year period following 9/11, we find overall change in US counterterrorism policy that included an evolution from The Commander, to The Prosecutor, to The Negotiator. We also find The Doctor policy profile was not adopted during this period. Show less
Between the American Revolution and the US Civil War, the geography of slavery and freedom in North America changed radically. In some respects, this was an age of emancipation. The northern US,... Show moreBetween the American Revolution and the US Civil War, the geography of slavery and freedom in North America changed radically. In some respects, this was an age of emancipation. The northern US, Canada, and Mexico all abolished slavery in this period, and the transatlantic slave trade itself was abolished in 1808. In the southern US, however, slavery underwent an enormous expansion—from the Atlantic seaboard to Texas—mainly as a result of the successful introduction of cotton in the newly acquired lands of the southern interior. In the age of the “second slavery,” southern slavery grew at an unprecedented rate and became characterized by a number of unique features, including a slave population that was almost entirely born in slavery; the development of a massive internal slave trade that wrought havoc on slave communities; the dominance of cotton plantation agriculture in the lives of most enslaved people; the adaptation of slavery to urban settings; the curtailment of manumissions; and the rise of a continent-wide refugee crisis, as freedom seekers fled to parts of the continent where slavery had been abolished. This chapter will explore the institution of slavery in one of its most well-known contexts. Show less
This article is about the rise and fall of ocean incineration, a method for the disposal of hazardous chemical waste that was initiated in the late 1960s, developed, tested, and perfected... Show moreThis article is about the rise and fall of ocean incineration, a method for the disposal of hazardous chemical waste that was initiated in the late 1960s, developed, tested, and perfected throughout the 1970s, commercialized in the 1980s, and eventually phased out from the 1990s onwards. Ocean incineration consisted in the offshore destruction of toxic liquid substances in specially designed ships outfitted with high-temperature combustion chambers and high stacks. When this technology broke through, it seemed like a panacea. It heralded the safe disposal of noxious compounds such as organochlorines and polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), which were ubiquitous by-products of petrochemical industrial processes. It promised to minimize private companies’ externalities and ease environmental concerns. But it ultimately failed to provide an alternative to safely disposing of toxic waste. What does explain such a decline? This article answers this question by arguing that the demise of ocean incineration was due to the combination of locally oriented and transnationally driven protests, which emerged across the (North) Atlantic and exposed the dangerous and highly exploitative nature of such a practice. Show less
One of the ways in which Wilsonianism permeated Europe during the Great War was through the activities of the Committee on Public Information (CPI). Historians are still discussing the... Show moreOne of the ways in which Wilsonianism permeated Europe during the Great War was through the activities of the Committee on Public Information (CPI). Historians are still discussing the effectiveness of the CPI's propaganda abroad. This article contributes to this debate by focusing on and problematising the case of Italy. The Italian scenario confronted the CPI with a series of challenges that exposed the limits of America's germinal public diplomacy. The author's argument is that, in spite of its numerous attempts, the CPI's activities in Italy resulted in a substantial failure, which was mostly due to an inter-institutional conflict of interests and competences between the CPI and the US embassy in Rome. Such a short-circuit prevented US propagandists from developing a genuine understanding of the Italian public's preferences and resulted in what people in the Peninsula perceived as a general lack of empathy. Show less
Recent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of... Show moreRecent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation-states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation-state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation-states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past. Show less
The contributions assembled in this volume present cutting-edge research that examines the network of Indo-American interconnections over a wider time frame. The case studies stretch into the... Show moreThe contributions assembled in this volume present cutting-edge research that examines the network of Indo-American interconnections over a wider time frame. The case studies stretch into the American republic’s early decades, hinting at a longer history of mutual influence and exchange, beyond the registers of the American century’ of globalization. By bringing together academics working across disciplines ranging from history to cultural and literary studies, comparative religion, political science and sociology, this volume thus foregrounds and historicizes the complex, multi-sited, polyvalent nature of the Indo-US encounter. At the same time, the book explores the possibilities of methodologically engaging with established categories—such as the nation, the imperial and Empire—and test alternative typologies to understand this encounter better. Taken together, our authors reconstruct the myriad ways in which Americans and Indians have engaged with each other through trade, diplomacy, intellectual comradeship, missionary evangelism and revolutionary fervor. Show less
Bureaucrats of Liberation narrates the history of the Southern Africa Project of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a civil rights organization founded in 1963 at the request of... Show moreBureaucrats of Liberation narrates the history of the Southern Africa Project of the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a civil rights organization founded in 1963 at the request of President John F. Kennedy. Between 1963 and 1994, the Southern Africa Project connected lawyers from Namibia, South Africa, and the United States. Within the Project’s network, activist lawyers exchanged funding resources, provided logistical support for political trials, and mediated new voting and governmental systems. Show less
References to 'balancing' and 'weighing' are ubiquitous in modern constitutional rights adjudication discourse in many Western legal systems. This thesis traces the rise of this form of language to... Show moreReferences to 'balancing' and 'weighing' are ubiquitous in modern constitutional rights adjudication discourse in many Western legal systems. This thesis traces the rise of this form of language to a series of decisions by the German Federal Constitutional Court and the U.S. Supreme Court of the late 1950s and early 1960s and to scholarly debates surrounding these decisions. Based on a detailed study of these historical origins, the thesis develops 'local meanings' of balancing that show striking differences as between jurisdictions. These local meanings are then compared on a conceptual grid derived from the common problematic of managing the relative formality of the legal order. Balancing in the U.S., in this model, is the expression of a skeptical pragmatism, whereas in German law. it is the centrepiece of an aspirational legalism. Understanding these differences is crucial to an evaluation of the legitimizing potential of balancing-based legal reasoning.So, while balancing in the U.S. is mostly seen as a pragmatic solution for when legal doctrinal models break down, German balancing is instead the expression of basic choices pertaining to the foundations of the constitutional legal order as a whole.The range of striking differences found between these meanings counters widely accepted claims as to the convergence of practices of constitutional rights adjudication on a 'balancing model' Show less
What shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the... Show moreWhat shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the United States, the Netherlands and Germany on their efforts to adapt their defense policies and armed forces in light of significant changes in the security environment. Transformation was the central concept around which the Alliance was believed to find renewed cohesion. Instead, transformation in an era of expeditionary operations unearthed divergent views regarding the use of the military instrument. Each state pursued transformation differently and confronted different problems. These difficulties reflected the unique characteristics of their strategic culture. On the basis of the research it can be concluded that effective transformation can only take place when the characteristics of a state's strategic culture are taken into account. For NATO, it means that, unless the security environment changes substantially, friction within the alliance will persist and instead it will be necessary to work with these differences, rather than ignore them at its peril. Show less
Tot twee keer toe geraakte de Nederlandse marinestrategie tussen 1912 en 1942 in de ban van een ideologie, het navalisme. Navalisme ziet maritieme expansie als noodzakelijk voor het voortbestaan... Show moreTot twee keer toe geraakte de Nederlandse marinestrategie tussen 1912 en 1942 in de ban van een ideologie, het navalisme. Navalisme ziet maritieme expansie als noodzakelijk voor het voortbestaan van een mogendheid. De eerste keer, vanaf 1912, vielen de gevolgen mee. De tweede keer, vanaf 1936, waren ze dramatisch: ze draaiden een onderzeebootstrategie met de meest efficiënte onderzeeboottactiek ter wereld de nek om. De successen van de Nederlandse onderzeeboten in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, hoe spectaculair ook, waren een schim van wat zij hadden kunnen zijn. Dit proefschrift schrijft een nieuwe geschiedenis van de Koninklijke Marine, die haar overzeese expansie wilde behouden via overambitieuze ‘risicostrategieën’, waarmee zij pretendeerde een sterkere zeemacht tot onmacht te kunnen verlammen. Die sterkere zeemacht was de reusachtige van Japan. De hoofdtaak van de Koninklijke Marine was namelijk de verdediging van het eilandenrijk Nederlands-Indië waarop Japan zijn zinnen kon zetten. Duidelijk wordt hoezeer het Nederlandse marinedenken van 1912-1942 parallel liep aan het Duitse èn dat de Duitsers niet de enigen waren die een ‘risicostrategie’ hanteerden (wat tot rivaliteit met Engeland leidde): de Amerikanen waren ze voor. Ook wordt duidelijk waarom de Amerikaanse strategie wel werkte en beide andere niet. Zo ontstaat ook nieuw inzicht in de Amerikaanse en Duitse marinestrategie Show less
This study offers a reassessment of Roy Wilkins who led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the largest civil rights organization in the United States, during the most... Show moreThis study offers a reassessment of Roy Wilkins who led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the largest civil rights organization in the United States, during the most turbulent years of the civil rights movement. Show less
The history of American slave family life has been circumscribed by two shortcomings. First, historians have long disagreed over the extent of slave agency in the development of slave families.... Show moreThe history of American slave family life has been circumscribed by two shortcomings. First, historians have long disagreed over the extent of slave agency in the development of slave families. Second, historians have tended to overemphasize the experiences of enslaved people in the cotton South, and rarely studied slave families from a comparative perspective. This study addresses both of these issues by examaning, from a comparative perspective, the boundaries and opportunities for slave family life in three distinct agricultural regions of the American South: Fairfax County, Virginia; Georgetown District, South Carolina; and St. James Parish, Louisiana. Show less
Muslims in the United States have attempted to carve out identities that challenge evolving national norms, identities that often are at odds with those imposed on them by other Americans. Through... Show moreMuslims in the United States have attempted to carve out identities that challenge evolving national norms, identities that often are at odds with those imposed on them by other Americans. Through a review of three key areas of tension, the constructions of race, religion, and the nation, it can be argued that American Muslims may very well be making their greatest contributions to American pluralism. Show less
The US war on terrorism and preparations for war against Iraq have enormously increased the strategic value of West African oil reserves. This comes at a time when there have been massive new... Show moreThe US war on terrorism and preparations for war against Iraq have enormously increased the strategic value of West African oil reserves. This comes at a time when there have been massive new discoveries in offshore waters. This article focuses on the increased US interests in West African oil. It exposes the African oil lobby in Washington and describes a new form of public-private partnership between the World Bank Group, the government of Chad and private investors. Furthermore, the article discusses the effects that the US interest in enhanced oil production in West Africa is likely to have on West African politics in the next few years. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Many Palestinian-Americans in Chicago feel that the American media rarely offer a Palestinian perspective and turn to Arabic news channels, most notably Al Jazeera, for news that they feel... Show moreMany Palestinian-Americans in Chicago feel that the American media rarely offer a Palestinian perspective and turn to Arabic news channels, most notably Al Jazeera, for news that they feel accurately portrays and reflects their views. Until an Arab perspective is regularly included in the mainstream American media, Palestinian-Americans will continue to exclude American news channels from their daily television habits. Show less
The 11 September attacks on the United States created an opportunity for the denizens of neo-conservative and Israel-oriented think-tanks to exploit the legitimate fears of the American people and... Show moreThe 11 September attacks on the United States created an opportunity for the denizens of neo-conservative and Israel-oriented think-tanks to exploit the legitimate fears of the American people and launch a campaign aimed at imposing a new orthodoxy on what may be thought and said about the Middle East, especially on university campuses. So far, this campaign has had only a limited impact. But students and scholars with dissident opinions, especially those of Middle Eastern origins, are feeling some pressure to lower their profiles and conform. Show less
As 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from... Show moreAs 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from geographic determinism. Among Muslim student activists in California, this trend is often articulated in phrases such as 'there is no colour in Islam', or 'I consider myself Muslim first, Arab second.' Based on research among young Arab and Muslim Americans between 1996 and 2001,2 this essay traces a particular interplay between the 'local', the 'national', and the 'global' that gives rise to Muslim student activism in the San Francisco Bay Area of California. Show less
