Between the American Revolution and the US Civil War, the geography of slavery and freedom in North America changed radically. In some respects, this was an age of emancipation. The northern US,... Show moreBetween the American Revolution and the US Civil War, the geography of slavery and freedom in North America changed radically. In some respects, this was an age of emancipation. The northern US, Canada, and Mexico all abolished slavery in this period, and the transatlantic slave trade itself was abolished in 1808. In the southern US, however, slavery underwent an enormous expansion—from the Atlantic seaboard to Texas—mainly as a result of the successful introduction of cotton in the newly acquired lands of the southern interior. In the age of the “second slavery,” southern slavery grew at an unprecedented rate and became characterized by a number of unique features, including a slave population that was almost entirely born in slavery; the development of a massive internal slave trade that wrought havoc on slave communities; the dominance of cotton plantation agriculture in the lives of most enslaved people; the adaptation of slavery to urban settings; the curtailment of manumissions; and the rise of a continent-wide refugee crisis, as freedom seekers fled to parts of the continent where slavery had been abolished. This chapter will explore the institution of slavery in one of its most well-known contexts. Show less
Recent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of... Show moreRecent historical studies tend to confirm the antimodernist interpretation, emphasizing the strong premodern roots of nations and nationalism. However, a broad comparative analysis of the rise of the nation-state during the Age of Revolution shows that earlier notions of nationhood did not have a significant role in the creation of nation-states in Europe and the Americas. They were not the consequence of a glorious national revolt, but of a clash between the Old Regime and new ideals of political legitimacy. Many of these conflicts led to civil wars and the survival of the nation-state was mostly determined by the geopolitical constellation. The boundaries of the nation were defined in terms of civilization, whereas language and culture were largely irrelevant. Within these new nation-states, a universalist nationalization process began. In many instances, citizenship was awarded easier to foreigners than to “uncivilized” inhabitants, while Classical Antiquity was preferred over the national past. Show less
The contributions assembled in this volume present cutting-edge research that examines the network of Indo-American interconnections over a wider time frame. The case studies stretch into the... Show moreThe contributions assembled in this volume present cutting-edge research that examines the network of Indo-American interconnections over a wider time frame. The case studies stretch into the American republic’s early decades, hinting at a longer history of mutual influence and exchange, beyond the registers of the American century’ of globalization. By bringing together academics working across disciplines ranging from history to cultural and literary studies, comparative religion, political science and sociology, this volume thus foregrounds and historicizes the complex, multi-sited, polyvalent nature of the Indo-US encounter. At the same time, the book explores the possibilities of methodologically engaging with established categories—such as the nation, the imperial and Empire—and test alternative typologies to understand this encounter better. Taken together, our authors reconstruct the myriad ways in which Americans and Indians have engaged with each other through trade, diplomacy, intellectual comradeship, missionary evangelism and revolutionary fervor. Show less
Summary: Global media discussion and policy responses to the armed conflict in Tigray Region, Ethiopia, that started op 4 November 2020 by the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) party-led... Show moreSummary: Global media discussion and policy responses to the armed conflict in Tigray Region, Ethiopia, that started op 4 November 2020 by the TPLF (Tigray People’s Liberation Front) party-led Tigray Regional government, are marked by bias, incompleteness, lack of context understanding, credulity and an anti-federal goverment attitude. The conflict, provoked by an unannounced and treacherous nightly attack by TPLF forces on federal army troups stationed in Tigray to protect the Region, was the result of misplaced power-mongering by the TPLF, and its building up of tension with the federal Ethiopian goverment. The 4 November attack led to a major federal army response. Five days after the attack by TPLF, on 9 November 2021, over 800 Amharic-speaking civilian inhabitants of the town of Mai Kadra in Western Tigray were killed by TPLF-affiliated forces and militias in a gruesome manner – a classic case of ‘ethnic cleansing’. Perpetrators mostly fled to Sudanese refugee camps. These two events - the 4 November attack and the ‘ethnic cleansing’ - were defining dramatic moments in the war. While the conflict unfolded, leading to defeat of the TPLF forces on 28 November 2020 with the taking over of the regional capital Meqele and the flight of the TPLF leadership, many leading Western media and news websites focused on the aftermath and the effects of the fighting in Tigray Region and its population, easily shifting sympathy twards the perceived ‘underdog’ (TPLF). This was followed by hastily written statements by foreign policy makers in EU, USA and UN circles, leading to an emerging policy narrative whereby essential details of the context, the nature of the adversaries, the reasons of the conflict were sidelined. These Atlantic community spokespersons shifted to ‘blaming’ the federal Ethiopian government and ‘demanding’ all kinds of measures from it. Notable was the international community clamouring for ‘unlimited and full access’ for humanitarian aid to ‘prevent famine’, and demand a halt to all hostilities. But meanwhile it did not deliver much aid itself and did as if making it conditional on the federal government following their orders. Part of the international media, several academic associates and researchers who saw acces to their research sites blocked, and diverse TPLF associates in various international organizations continued to fuel the flames of this approach, next to the ‘digital activism’and the production of fake news reports by pro-TPLF persons in Ethiopa and especially in the Tigrayan ‘diaspora’ in the West.All this led to serious misperceptions and unfair bias on the part of the Atlantic countries and the UN vis-à-vis Ethiopia, which endangered integrity, balance, and a proper perspective on causes and consequences, as well as to policies that seemed akin to ‘development aid blackmail’ and sanctimonious lecturing of a fragile, low-income African developing country. In the exercise, the detailed press statements, reports and explanations by Ethiopian parties, including the government and reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, are routinely neglected or doubted. In contrast, the statements and international messages by TPLF remnants and advocates, marked by a high degree of unreliability, exaggeration and very often lacking truth content, are used uncritically. On the basis of a number of telling examples, this paper describes the above process, analyses the emerging Atlantic discourse and some of its mistakes and wrong assumptions. It thereby pleads for a more balanced, critical approach to the incomplete reporting and wilfull misinformation from questionable sources so as to have the media and Atlantic policy makers develop a more responsible approach.Résumé: parti TPLF (Tigray Peoples Liberation Front), sont marquées par des préjugés, des incomplétudes, un manque de compréhension du contexte, la crédulité et une attitude contre le gouvernement fédéral. Le conflit, provoqué par une attaque nocturne inopinée et perfide par les forces tigréennes contre les troupes de l'armée fédérale stationnées au Tigré pour protéger la région, était le résultat d'une politique de la force mal jugée par le TPLF et sa montée des tensions avec le gouvernement fédéral éthiopien. L'attaque du 4 novembre a évoquée à une réponse directe de l'armée fédérale. Cinq jours après l'attaque du TPLF, plus de 800 habitants civils de langue amharique de la ville de Mai Kadra dans le Tigray occidental ont été tués, le 9 novembre 2021, par des forces et des milices affiliées au TPLF d'une manière horrible - un cas classique de «nettoyage ethnique», et les auteurs ont pour la plupart fui vers les camps de réfugiés soudanais. Ces deux événements - l’attaque du 4 novembre et ce «nettoyage ethnique» - étaient des moments dramatiques cruciales de la guerre. Alors que le conflit se déroulait, conduisant à la défaite des forces du TPLF le 28 novembre 2020 avec la prise de contrôle de la capitale régionale Meqele et la fuite des dirigeants du TPL, de nombreux médias et sites Internet occidentaux de premier plan se sont concentrés sur les conséquences et les effets des combats dans la région du Tigray et sa population, la sympathie se déplaçant facilement vers le «perdant» perçu (TPLF). Cela a été suivi par des déclarations écrites à la hâte par des décideurs politiques étrangers aux cercles de l'UE, des États-Unis et de l'ONU, menant à un récit politique émergent dans lequel les détails essentiels du contexte, de la nature des adversaires et des raisons du conflit ont été mis de côté. Ces portes-parole de la communauté atlantique sont passés à toujours «blâmer» le gouvernement fédéral éthiopien et à «exiger» toutes sortes de mesures de sa part. Il convient de noter que la communauté internationale toujours réclamait un «accès illimité et complet pour l’aide humanitaire» pour «prévenir la famine» et exigeait «‘l’arrêt de toutes les hostilités, mais entre-temps, elle n'a pas fourni beaucoup d'aide et semble la conditionner à ce que le gouvernement fédéral suive ses ordres. Une partie de la presse mondiale, plusieurs universitaires qui ont vu l'accès à leurs sites de recherche bloqué, et divers associés du TPLF dans diverses organisations internationales ont continué à alimenter les flammes de cette approche, à côté de «l'activisme digitale» et de la production de «fake news» et rapports douteux de personnes pro-TPLF en Ethiopie et en particulier dans la «diaspora» tigréenne en Occident. Tout cela a conduit à de graves perceptions erronées et à des préjugés injustes de la part des pays atlantiques et de l'ONU vis-à-vis de l'Éthiopie qui ont mis en danger l'intégrité, l'équilibre et une bonne perspective des causes et des conséquences, ainsi qu’a des politiques qui semblent s'apparenter à une approche sur base de «development aid blackmail» et des discours moralisateurs envers un pays africain pauvre et en développement fragile. Dans l'exercice, les déclarations de presse détaillées et les explications de la part de l’Éthiopie, y compris le gouvernement et le Premier Ministre réformiste Abiy Ahmed, sont régulièrement négligés ou mis en doute. En revanche, les déclarations et les messages internationaux des défenseurs du TPLF, marqués par un degré élevé de manque de fiabilité, d'exagération et souvent dépourvus de contenu véridique, sont utilisés sans critique. Sur la base d'un certain nombre d'exemples révélateurs, cet article décrit le processus ci-dessus et analyse le discours atlantique émergent et certaines de ses erreurs et hypothèses erronées. Il plaide ainsi pour une approche plus équilibrée et critique du reportage incomplet et de la désinformation afin que les médias et la politique atlantique développent une politique plus responsable. Show less
This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less
Considering the implications of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) for the architecture of global (economic) governance, including the international rule of law, the article... Show moreConsidering the implications of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) for the architecture of global (economic) governance, including the international rule of law, the article addresses some of the most pertinent systemic consequences TTIP is likely to produce, based on the shape the agreement is currently taking. The article’s main arguments are that despite representing innovation and added value in some areas, TTIP may produce negative consequences in at least three respects. Firstly, it will cater to an imbalance in terms of access to justice in the area of investment protection; secondly, by providing a way out for the World Trade Organization's (WTO) two most active litigants, it can contribute to the de-judicialization of international trade law; and thirdly, it creates potential for a fierce backlash from the rest of the world as regards the global promotion of an overtly transatlantic regulatory and normative agenda. Show less
References to 'balancing' and 'weighing' are ubiquitous in modern constitutional rights adjudication discourse in many Western legal systems. This thesis traces the rise of this form of language to... Show moreReferences to 'balancing' and 'weighing' are ubiquitous in modern constitutional rights adjudication discourse in many Western legal systems. This thesis traces the rise of this form of language to a series of decisions by the German Federal Constitutional Court and the U.S. Supreme Court of the late 1950s and early 1960s and to scholarly debates surrounding these decisions. Based on a detailed study of these historical origins, the thesis develops 'local meanings' of balancing that show striking differences as between jurisdictions. These local meanings are then compared on a conceptual grid derived from the common problematic of managing the relative formality of the legal order. Balancing in the U.S., in this model, is the expression of a skeptical pragmatism, whereas in German law. it is the centrepiece of an aspirational legalism. Understanding these differences is crucial to an evaluation of the legitimizing potential of balancing-based legal reasoning.So, while balancing in the U.S. is mostly seen as a pragmatic solution for when legal doctrinal models break down, German balancing is instead the expression of basic choices pertaining to the foundations of the constitutional legal order as a whole.The range of striking differences found between these meanings counters widely accepted claims as to the convergence of practices of constitutional rights adjudication on a 'balancing model' Show less
What shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the... Show moreWhat shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the United States, the Netherlands and Germany on their efforts to adapt their defense policies and armed forces in light of significant changes in the security environment. Transformation was the central concept around which the Alliance was believed to find renewed cohesion. Instead, transformation in an era of expeditionary operations unearthed divergent views regarding the use of the military instrument. Each state pursued transformation differently and confronted different problems. These difficulties reflected the unique characteristics of their strategic culture. On the basis of the research it can be concluded that effective transformation can only take place when the characteristics of a state's strategic culture are taken into account. For NATO, it means that, unless the security environment changes substantially, friction within the alliance will persist and instead it will be necessary to work with these differences, rather than ignore them at its peril. Show less
Tot twee keer toe geraakte de Nederlandse marinestrategie tussen 1912 en 1942 in de ban van een ideologie, het navalisme. Navalisme ziet maritieme expansie als noodzakelijk voor het voortbestaan... Show moreTot twee keer toe geraakte de Nederlandse marinestrategie tussen 1912 en 1942 in de ban van een ideologie, het navalisme. Navalisme ziet maritieme expansie als noodzakelijk voor het voortbestaan van een mogendheid. De eerste keer, vanaf 1912, vielen de gevolgen mee. De tweede keer, vanaf 1936, waren ze dramatisch: ze draaiden een onderzeebootstrategie met de meest efficiënte onderzeeboottactiek ter wereld de nek om. De successen van de Nederlandse onderzeeboten in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, hoe spectaculair ook, waren een schim van wat zij hadden kunnen zijn. Dit proefschrift schrijft een nieuwe geschiedenis van de Koninklijke Marine, die haar overzeese expansie wilde behouden via overambitieuze ‘risicostrategieën’, waarmee zij pretendeerde een sterkere zeemacht tot onmacht te kunnen verlammen. Die sterkere zeemacht was de reusachtige van Japan. De hoofdtaak van de Koninklijke Marine was namelijk de verdediging van het eilandenrijk Nederlands-Indië waarop Japan zijn zinnen kon zetten. Duidelijk wordt hoezeer het Nederlandse marinedenken van 1912-1942 parallel liep aan het Duitse èn dat de Duitsers niet de enigen waren die een ‘risicostrategie’ hanteerden (wat tot rivaliteit met Engeland leidde): de Amerikanen waren ze voor. Ook wordt duidelijk waarom de Amerikaanse strategie wel werkte en beide andere niet. Zo ontstaat ook nieuw inzicht in de Amerikaanse en Duitse marinestrategie Show less
This study offers a reassessment of Roy Wilkins who led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the largest civil rights organization in the United States, during the most... Show moreThis study offers a reassessment of Roy Wilkins who led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the largest civil rights organization in the United States, during the most turbulent years of the civil rights movement. Show less
The history of American slave family life has been circumscribed by two shortcomings. First, historians have long disagreed over the extent of slave agency in the development of slave families.... Show moreThe history of American slave family life has been circumscribed by two shortcomings. First, historians have long disagreed over the extent of slave agency in the development of slave families. Second, historians have tended to overemphasize the experiences of enslaved people in the cotton South, and rarely studied slave families from a comparative perspective. This study addresses both of these issues by examaning, from a comparative perspective, the boundaries and opportunities for slave family life in three distinct agricultural regions of the American South: Fairfax County, Virginia; Georgetown District, South Carolina; and St. James Parish, Louisiana. Show less
Muslims in the United States have attempted to carve out identities that challenge evolving national norms, identities that often are at odds with those imposed on them by other Americans. Through... Show moreMuslims in the United States have attempted to carve out identities that challenge evolving national norms, identities that often are at odds with those imposed on them by other Americans. Through a review of three key areas of tension, the constructions of race, religion, and the nation, it can be argued that American Muslims may very well be making their greatest contributions to American pluralism. Show less
The US war on terrorism and preparations for war against Iraq have enormously increased the strategic value of West African oil reserves. This comes at a time when there have been massive new... Show moreThe US war on terrorism and preparations for war against Iraq have enormously increased the strategic value of West African oil reserves. This comes at a time when there have been massive new discoveries in offshore waters. This article focuses on the increased US interests in West African oil. It exposes the African oil lobby in Washington and describes a new form of public-private partnership between the World Bank Group, the government of Chad and private investors. Furthermore, the article discusses the effects that the US interest in enhanced oil production in West Africa is likely to have on West African politics in the next few years. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Many Palestinian-Americans in Chicago feel that the American media rarely offer a Palestinian perspective and turn to Arabic news channels, most notably Al Jazeera, for news that they feel... Show moreMany Palestinian-Americans in Chicago feel that the American media rarely offer a Palestinian perspective and turn to Arabic news channels, most notably Al Jazeera, for news that they feel accurately portrays and reflects their views. Until an Arab perspective is regularly included in the mainstream American media, Palestinian-Americans will continue to exclude American news channels from their daily television habits. Show less
The 11 September attacks on the United States created an opportunity for the denizens of neo-conservative and Israel-oriented think-tanks to exploit the legitimate fears of the American people and... Show moreThe 11 September attacks on the United States created an opportunity for the denizens of neo-conservative and Israel-oriented think-tanks to exploit the legitimate fears of the American people and launch a campaign aimed at imposing a new orthodoxy on what may be thought and said about the Middle East, especially on university campuses. So far, this campaign has had only a limited impact. But students and scholars with dissident opinions, especially those of Middle Eastern origins, are feeling some pressure to lower their profiles and conform. Show less
As 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from... Show moreAs 'Bosnia' awakened the dead among Muslims worldwide, new expressions of Muslim identity have emerged on college and university campuses in the US that stress the liberation of Islam from geographic determinism. Among Muslim student activists in California, this trend is often articulated in phrases such as 'there is no colour in Islam', or 'I consider myself Muslim first, Arab second.' Based on research among young Arab and Muslim Americans between 1996 and 2001,2 this essay traces a particular interplay between the 'local', the 'national', and the 'global' that gives rise to Muslim student activism in the San Francisco Bay Area of California. Show less
