This dissertation explores the United Nations' comprehensive approach to managing the Israel-Arab Conflict from 1967 to 1982, presenting a shift from examining peace operations as isolated efforts... Show moreThis dissertation explores the United Nations' comprehensive approach to managing the Israel-Arab Conflict from 1967 to 1982, presenting a shift from examining peace operations as isolated efforts to viewing them as interconnected elements of a broader peace architecture. It introduces a critical analysis of the roles played by the Office of Special Political Affairs and the Office of Chief Coordinator of Peacekeeping in the Middle East, arguing that these entities were pivotal in forming a cohesive strategy despite the static mandates of individual peace missions. The research spans six chapters, starting with a historical overview of the UN’s peacekeeping framework since 1948, setting the groundwork for understanding the conflict and the evolution of peacekeeping entities. It then delves into Inter-Operation Collaboration (IOC) and the Secretariat’s political maneuvering, highlighting the impact of significant events like the Camp David Accords and the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon. These events marked a shift in focus from state-centric to Israeli-Palestinian issues, challenging the UN’s influence. The conclusion assesses the UN’s role in shaping the diplomatic and security landscape of the region, underlining the organization's contributions and limitations in fostering peace and stability amidst a complex geopolitical scenario. This research offers valuable insights into the dynamics of UN peacekeeping operations in regional conflicts. Show less
In the early 1990s, the United Nations achieved in Cambodia an outcome that has been promoted as an important and rare peacekeeping success. The United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia ... Show moreIn the early 1990s, the United Nations achieved in Cambodia an outcome that has been promoted as an important and rare peacekeeping success. The United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) was a key experiment in the laboratory of post-Cold War peacekeeping. Although UNTAC was confronted with one major spoiler party, the Khmer Rouge, the mission’s leadership supposedly resisted venturing into peace enforcement and succeeded in achieving the mission’s end goal of holding democratic elections in May 1993. However, UNTAC’s outcome has been all too readily interpreted in the light of the peacekeeping failures in the former Yugoslavia and Somalia. Using newly declassified documents, this study breaks with the traditional narrative that ascribes the causes for “success” in Cambodia to a strict adherence to the traditional peacekeeping principles. It reveals that under the imperative of turning the mission into a success, and paradoxically, saving the credibility of UN peacekeeping itself, UNTAC eventually violated the core principle of impartiality by forging an alliance with the government faction against the Khmer Rouge. The historical analysis thereby demonstrates that the theoretical and legalistic distinction between peacekeeping and peace enforcement has long distorted a thorough understanding of the true challenges in UN peacekeeping operations. Show less
This chapter examines the position of the UN Security Council within the institutional framework on environmental peacebuilding. It starts with an analysis of the UN's peacebuilding architecture,... Show moreThis chapter examines the position of the UN Security Council within the institutional framework on environmental peacebuilding. It starts with an analysis of the UN's peacebuilding architecture, which assigns complementary roles to the Security Council, the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council, based on each organ's respective function within the UN system. The chapter then turns to the practice of the Security Council with respect to 'conflict resources' on the one hand and environmental degradation more broadly on the other. This analysis demonstrates major differences in the substantive contributions by the Security Council with respect to 'conflict resources' on the one hand and to climate change and other ecological threats on the other. It argues that the institutional division of responsibilities between the three main UN organs provides a powerful rationale for explaining these differences. Show less
Ponzio, R.; Yusuf, N.; Siddiqui, M.; Larik, J.E. 2023
In introducing novel ideas for the September 2024 Summit of the Future and New Agenda for Peace, this report seeks to encourage more ambitious, forward looking thinking and deliberation on global... Show moreIn introducing novel ideas for the September 2024 Summit of the Future and New Agenda for Peace, this report seeks to encourage more ambitious, forward looking thinking and deliberation on global governance renewal and innovation. The world needs better ways to manage its many, growing problems. Engaging new voices, instruments, networks, knowledge, and structures is the key to coping with today’s and future global challenges, which include, but are not limited to, renewed Great Power tensions, deepening Global North-South divides, virulent nationalism, runway climate change, and unconstrained artificial intelligence. Against this backdrop, the inaugural Global Governance Innovation Report (GGIR) aims to inform and advance debates on improving global governance, and to spur action to that end, drawing on insights from two new tools: a Global Governance Index and a Global Governance Survey. Encouraging greater ambition in preparations for the September 2024 Summit of the Future in New York and a New Agenda for Peace, the report offers proactive measures to better prevent, and failing that, limit the escalation of deadly conflict; reconsiders disarmament measures to boost conditions for conflict management and resolution; and proposes a next generation humanitarian action architecture to save more lives when conflict prevention and mitigation fail. Central to a strategy for change, GGIR’23 introduces five steps for mobilizing a broad-based, smart coalition of governments and civil society groups to maximize the generational opportunity afforded by next year’s Summit, to better ensure “the future we want and the United Nations we need” for present and future generations. Show less
full book landing page (including bibliography): https://www.pulp.up.ac.za/component/edocman/sixty-years-after-independence-africa-and-international-law-views-from-a-generation-soixante-ans-apres... Show morefull book landing page (including bibliography): https://www.pulp.up.ac.za/component/edocman/sixty-years-after-independence-africa-and-international-law-views-from-a-generation-soixante-ans-apres-les-independances-l-afrique-et-le-droit-international-regards-d-une-generation Show less
This policy brief recommends the introduction of a “G20+” to lead the way on a post-pandemic socio-economic recovery that is effective, sustainable, and equitable. The “G20+” would harness the... Show moreThis policy brief recommends the introduction of a “G20+” to lead the way on a post-pandemic socio-economic recovery that is effective, sustainable, and equitable. The “G20+” would harness the group’s formidable economic and political clout, while addressing its current deficits as regards legitimacy, representativeness and connections to the wider multilateral system. The policy brief sets out specific priority actions for the “G20+” to pursue, both in the short and medium-term, and outlines which institutional innovations are needed to achieve these ends. Moreover, it sketches a strategy for launching the “G20+”, starting with Italy’s G20 Presidency in 2021. Show less
This article analyses the evolution and interplay of national policies and international diplomacy on cyber terrorism within and across the UNSC’s permanent five members and the UN process on cyber... Show moreThis article analyses the evolution and interplay of national policies and international diplomacy on cyber terrorism within and across the UNSC’s permanent five members and the UN process on cyber norms (GGE and OEWG). First, it reveals how – through the extension of preemptive measures to low-impact cyber activities and online content – national policies progressively articulate cyber terrorism as an issue of information security. Second, it problematizes how – through the adoption of comprehensive and imprecise definitions – the diplomatic language on cyber terrorism might lend international support to those authoritarian regimes keen on leveraging counter-terrorism to persecute domestic oppositions and vulnerable groups. Third, it concludes that – with UN diplomatic efforts increasingly discussing countering (dis)information operations – combining normative debates on cyber terrorism with those on information security requires precision of language to safeguard human rights globally. Show less
RECOMMENDATION: Increase the universal acceptance of international justice institutions, in particular the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Moreover,... Show moreRECOMMENDATION: Increase the universal acceptance of international justice institutions, in particular the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC). Moreover, increase their enforcement powers, preserve their independence, and enhance their resilience against political pressures. Show less
UN 2.0 considers the kinds of enlightened global leadership and vision, norms, tools, institutions, and ethic of civic engagement required to better deal with pressing global challenges, from... Show moreUN 2.0 considers the kinds of enlightened global leadership and vision, norms, tools, institutions, and ethic of civic engagement required to better deal with pressing global challenges, from avoiding runaway climate change to preventing atrocities and reducing the disruptive potential of novel technologies. Drawing parallels to the 1944 Dumbarton Oaks conference that, in the midst of World War II and on the heels of the Great Depression, laid the groundwork for the successful 1945 San Francisco conference that founded the United Nations, the report argues for this September’s UN75 Summit and Declaration to lay the foundations for further innovating and strengthening global governance in the coming two-to-three critical years. In presenting a bold yet practical roadmap for global renewal, UN 2.0 stresses the need for international organizations, starting with the United Nations, to harness creatively the ideas, networks, and capabilities of governments, civil society, and the private sector for effective global problem-solving Show less
With the proliferation of advanced military and information technologies, growing ease of movement, increasing climate instability, and the rise of violent extremism, conflict and state fragility... Show moreWith the proliferation of advanced military and information technologies, growing ease of movement, increasing climate instability, and the rise of violent extremism, conflict and state fragility have increased since reaching a twenty-year low in 2010. In 2017, the latest year with complete data, nearly ninety-two thousand individuals lost their lives in various forms of violent conflict.Countries also face many cross-border economic threats and challenges—including weaknesses in cyberspace infrastructure, loss of tax revenues to illicit financial flows, illegal exploitation of natural resources, and other corrupt practices—that inhibit the growth of economies and the ability of governments to enhance economic resilience, especially in the Global South. Even more alarming, if humankind cannot find its way to limit average global warming to less than 1.5°C (looming as soon as 2030), further severe climatic changes are anticipated, including intensified biodiversity loss, storm surges, drought, desertification, and sea level rise of up to one meter by 2100.In the face of these global challenges, “we the peoples” are currently a house divided. In addition to “the West versus the rest” or “Global North versus Global South,” there are numerous divisions and discrepancies within and across societies along racial, gender, socioeconomic, and other lines. And as the discourse of recent years has shown, perceived injustices are at least as divisive as measurable discrepancies. The feeling of not benefitting (enough) from globalization is coupled with a desire to redefine national identities as incompatible with global citizenship and attempts to close states off from the outside world by putting up walls and fences, denouncing international agreements, and leaving common institutions.The roots of current discontents with global governance lie in the actual and perceived lack of justice and human security for many individuals in a globalized world. The current crisis of global governance undermines international support mechanisms intended to build resilience, reduce corruption, combat extremism, and ensure regional stability in global trouble spots.Therefore, global action by governments, international organizations, and global civil society— underpinned by a new global ethic—to reverse these dangerous trends has become the moral and practical imperative of the present era. Since the launch, in 2015, of the Report of the Commission on Global Security, Justice & Governance, Confronting the Crisis of Global Governance, a concerted effort has been made to promote urgently needed global governance innovations, looking toward and continuing through the United Nations’ seventy-fifth anniversary in 2020.After much hard work by many parties, in June 2019 the UN General Assembly (A/RES/73/299) set into motion multilateral and multi-stakeholder negotiations on a “concise, substantive, forward-looking and unifying declaration that captures Member States’ collective commitment to multilateralism and to the United Nations and their shared vision for a common future” for consideration at a Heads of State Summit that is to gather in New York in September 2020, just one month before the seventy-fifth anniversary of the UN’s founding (“UN 75”). Detailed in this study, we offer an updated Twenty Global Ideas for 2020, based on the Albright- Gambari Commission’s original analysis, broader reform recommendations, and worldwide consultations. Show less
Deze kroniek informeert over ontwikkelingen met betrekking tot de mensenrechten in de diverse organen van de Verenigde Naties. Daarbij komen zowel de politieke mechanismen (onder meer de Algemene... Show moreDeze kroniek informeert over ontwikkelingen met betrekking tot de mensenrechten in de diverse organen van de Verenigde Naties. Daarbij komen zowel de politieke mechanismen (onder meer de Algemene Vergadering en de Mensenrechtenraad) als de diverse verdragscomités aan de orde. Show less
The United Nations Information Office (UNIO), dating from 1942, holds the distinction of being both the first international agency of the embryonic UN network and the first to hold the United... Show moreThe United Nations Information Office (UNIO), dating from 1942, holds the distinction of being both the first international agency of the embryonic UN network and the first to hold the United Nations label. Run from 1942 to 1945 from two offices in New York and London, these two were merged at the end of World War II to form the UN Information Organisation, and subsequently transformed into the Department of Public Information run from UN headquarters in New York. This article adds to the history of the UN by exploring the origins and development of the UNIO during 1940-41, when it was a British-led propaganda operation to gather US support for the allied war effort. It also examines the UNIO from the viewpoint of the power transition from Britain to the United States that took place during the war, and how this reflected a transition of internationalisms: the British view of world order through benevolent imperialism, to the American view of a progressive campaign for global development and human rights. Show less
The United Nations has established at least thirty international commissions of inquiry to examine situations of mass atrocities. These bodies resemble legal processes in some ways, while remaining... Show moreThe United Nations has established at least thirty international commissions of inquiry to examine situations of mass atrocities. These bodies resemble legal processes in some ways, while remaining non-legal in others. This research explores UN atrocity inquiries’ turn to international law and their navigation of considerations of principle and pragmatism to discern their identity in the international legal order. The thesis traces the inquiry process from establishment and interpretation of the mandate to legal analysis, production of findings and recommendations. The research finds that the turn to international law fundamentally shapes the roles and functions of UN atrocity inquiries. Commissions seeking to promote accountability and the rule of law are linked to truth-seeking, giving a voice to victims, condemning violations, raising alert and provoking corrective action. Yet, commissions’ interpretations of their mandates, legal analysis, findings and recommendations reveal an awareness of their liminal position between international law and politics. Their informality renders commissions well-placed to propose innovative legal interpretations, draw attention to violations and catalyse follow-up, while space is retained for diplomatic approaches and discretion in implementing recommendations. In short, UN atrocity inquiries continuously navigate between realms of law and politics, with the equilibrium shifting in different moments and contexts. Show less
Pursuing security and justice jointly in global governance will be vital to human progress in the twenty-first century. Humanity lives and operates simultaneously in three spaces critical... Show morePursuing security and justice jointly in global governance will be vital to human progress in the twenty-first century. Humanity lives and operates simultaneously in three spaces critical to contemporary life and governance: public, transactional and ecological. Failures in one space can cascade into others. Managing them so as to avoid such failures is an essential function of global governance. Public space is the home of governance (formal and informal) and of rights-exercising groups and individuals enjoying areas maintained for common use. Civil society fully exercising its basic human rights is essential to a well-functioning state, and well-functioning states are critical supporting elements in the present architecture of global governance. Wherever states are fragile or torn by conflict, they become fracture points in that architecture. Transactional space – the realm of trade, finance, and other markets and networks, especially digital – has experienced explosive growth in the last two decades. The new global economy is marked by openness and low costs of communication and transport but also greater vulnerability to, and opportunity for, transnational crime. Both of these spaces depend, in turn, on ecological space, the planet-wide system of systems that influence one another and set the background conditions for human life and civilisation. In none of these spaces are current tools and institutions of global governance up to the challenges they face. Mass violence in fragile states, cross-border economic shocks and cyber attacks, and the threat of runaway climate change threaten the public, transactional and ecological spaces of human existence. Getting global-governance reform right, however, will require paying close attention to the provision not just of security, but also of justice – and seeing to it that the two are mutually reinforcing. Show less
Pursuing security and justice jointly in global governance will be vital to human progress in the twenty-first century. Humanity lives and operates simultaneously in three spaces critical to... Show morePursuing security and justice jointly in global governance will be vital to human progress in the twenty-first century. Humanity lives and operates simultaneously in three spaces critical to contemporary life and governance: public, transactional and ecological. Failures in one space can cascade into others. Managing them so as to avoid such failures is an essential function of global governance. Public space is the home of governance (formal and informal) and of rights-exercising groups and individuals enjoying areas maintained for common use. Civil society fully exercising its basic human rights is essential to a well-functioning state, and well-functioning states are critical supporting elements in the present architecture of global governance. Wherever states are fragile or torn by conflict, they become fracture points in that architecture. Transactional space – the realm of trade, finance, and other markets and networks, especially digital – has experienced explosive growth in the last two decades. The new global economy is marked by openness and low costs of communication and transport but also greater vulnerability to, and opportunity for, transnational crime. Both of these spaces depend, in turn, on ecological space, the planet-wide system of systems that influence one another and set the background conditions for human life and civilisation. In none of these spaces are current tools and institutions of global governance up to the challenges they face. Mass violence in fragile states, cross-border economic shocks and cyber attacks, and the threat of runaway climate change threaten the public, transactional and ecological spaces of human existence. Getting global-governance reform right, however, will require paying close attention to the provision not just of security, but also of justice – and seeing to it that the two are mutually reinforcing. Show less
The book sets out an analysis of how the law is used as a means to remove decision-making rights from people with mental health issues and people with intellectual disabilities. It explains how... Show moreThe book sets out an analysis of how the law is used as a means to remove decision-making rights from people with mental health issues and people with intellectual disabilities. It explains how international law can be used to repatriate these rights. Show less
The thesis deals with the question as to whether international organisations could be jointly responsible for violations of international law committed by peacekeepers deployed in a peacekeeping... Show moreThe thesis deals with the question as to whether international organisations could be jointly responsible for violations of international law committed by peacekeepers deployed in a peacekeeping operation. The study starts by exploring the development of the concept of peacekeeping operations and the relations between the UN and four specific regional organisations (NATO, EU, AU and ECOWAS) on the basis of the applicable dispositions of the UN Charter. This examination as well as the following analysis of relations among these organisations, illustrate the evolution of a division of labour and an increase of cooperation between the UN and these organisations. It justifies the formulation of a presumption that international organisations could be jointly responsible as well as the formulation of a new criterion of attribution (normative control). The case-studies of specific peacekeeping operations confirm that in certain circumstances the UN and regional organisations have to be considered jointly responsible. Show less
The manuscript studies NGOs in international law. For that purpose, NGOs were appraised under each of the sources of international law, which, according to authoritative legal doctrine, were listed... Show moreThe manuscript studies NGOs in international law. For that purpose, NGOs were appraised under each of the sources of international law, which, according to authoritative legal doctrine, were listed in article 38 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. The thesis also addresses the challenges to the legitimacy of States and Intergovernmental Organizations in an era in which electoral democracies constitute the predominant form of government. The research has identified that international law is changing to accommodate new subjects of law that were not conceivable under positivism. The author argues that NGOs are subjects of law to the same extent that Intergovernmental Organizations are, because both are created by subjects of international law (States and individuals) under a typical principal-agent relationship as rational-legal bodies entrusted with certain functions, which, with the attendant duties and responsibilities, were clothed by its constituencies __with the competence required to enable those functions to be effectively discharged__. Show less
