‘International Relations (IR) is a state-centric discipline as well as a power-centered discipline’ mention Neumann and Gstöhl in their introduction to the edited work on Small States in... Show more‘International Relations (IR) is a state-centric discipline as well as a power-centered discipline’ mention Neumann and Gstöhl in their introduction to the edited work on Small States in International Relations (2006). Small states have long faced resistance within the field of international relations as they defy the second part of this quotation, their relative lack of capabilities questions the usefulness or relevance of studying them. Unrecognised states defy the first part of Neumann and Gstöhl’s quotation, as these constitute ‘places that do not exist in international relations’ (Caspersen, 2012), and have, therefore, often been excluded from relevant studies. While the study of small states has proliferated, it has largely neglected unrecognised small states. The aim of this paper is to establish the foreign policy goals of unrecognised states, and explore whether small states employ similar means as their unrecognised counterparts. This paper will examine the foreign policy of Somaliland and will argue that, often, the means used by unrecognised small states converge, more than usually thought so, with these of their recognised counterparts. Show less
In Senegal, questions of gender, notably the regulation of marital relations, are hotly debated, and pit Islamic authorities against the government. While the Family Code of 1972 promotes women’s... Show moreIn Senegal, questions of gender, notably the regulation of marital relations, are hotly debated, and pit Islamic authorities against the government. While the Family Code of 1972 promotes women’s rights to get a divorce in court, local social realities are different. This study explores the public debate about family law and provides an ethnography of family law practice. It shows how women navigate thecontested spaces of family law as they try to change the terms their marriages or obtain divorce. The role of family is key. Women must work their kin to mobilize support. They may also interact with local authorities – the imam, the chef de quartier, the House of Justice, and the judge. This study shows that women draw on multiple and overlapping sets of norms and tend to invoke the state only as last resort. Behind the polarized debate hides a practice that is fluid. This is reflected in the relations between local authorities, who recognize and respect each other’s roles, even if they work from competing claims to authority. Show less
This dissertation explores the relationship between autonomous weapon systems, the concept of human dignity, and international law. The thesis focuses on four branches of international law ... Show moreThis dissertation explores the relationship between autonomous weapon systems, the concept of human dignity, and international law. The thesis focuses on four branches of international law (international humanitarian law, human rights law, criminal law and the law of state reponsibility) and discusses whether autonomous weapon systems can be used in compliance with these bodies of law. The foundational notion of human dignity in international law provides a theoretical framework for the research and writing. The thesis argues that there are certain kinds of decision-making responsibilities that humans should not delegate to autonomous machines. More specifically, it argues that the transfer of decisions involving complex (and often contradictory) values to artificial intelligence software violates human dignity and, therefore, international law. Nevertheless, as the speed of autonomous weapon systems increases, the opportunities for human involvement and intervention in such decisions will inevitably decrease. Thus, to preserve the principle of human dignity (and ultimately international law), autonomous weapons should have a ‘co-active’ design that ensures teamwork and interdependence between humans and the computer software that directs these weapons. Show less
In this thesis, the (mal) functioning of the Senegalese state in the context of conflict (the Casamance crisis) is analyzed through four domains namely local administration, the security sectors,... Show moreIn this thesis, the (mal) functioning of the Senegalese state in the context of conflict (the Casamance crisis) is analyzed through four domains namely local administration, the security sectors, the borders and the communication domain where high ‘state density’ is expected in order to maintain its authority and sovereignty. However, the grip of the state on the social body remains weak and its powers are very limited in these sectors leading to necessary and continuous negotiations with other actors (traditional leaders, rebels, NGO, etc.), which sometimes are a serious threat to the state’s authority and are a symptom of its fragility. By using the metaphor of a sponge, hence the concept of “the Spontex State”, I demonstrate that, paradoxically, states in Africa in general, and the Senegalese state in particular, are keen to strategize their weakness. Their sponge-like characteristics permit a form of retractability. It allows absorbing and resisting forces that contest its power. Its retractability helps the state to avoid, at least partially, more serious confrontations with various actors. The capacity of retention and retraction of the sponge, reflected in the state, leads to great flexibility, through which the state sustains it grip and, ultimately, reinforces its overall authority. Show less
The EU's good governance policy considers civil society an actor promoting development as well as political accountability of governments, thus contributing to the democratisation of political... Show moreThe EU's good governance policy considers civil society an actor promoting development as well as political accountability of governments, thus contributing to the democratisation of political systems. This study argues that the EU's policy is based on questionable assumptions with respect to the nature of civil society, as well as the willingness of state and civil society to cooperate. Syria, as an extreme case of authoritarianism, is taken as an example. The connotation attached by the EU to civil society in Syria is normative and overlooks its complexity and the character of its relations with the state. Within the context of intergovernmental and multilateral cooperation, the Syrian regime could select and control activities in the domain of good governance, including possible involvement in its implementation by Syrian civil society organisations, which were not perceived as a threat to the regime's power. In fact, this support may have even contributed to the resilience of this authoritarian regime Show less
The title of this study raises questions about the meaning and the significance of the words 'modernity', 'tradition' and 'Political Islam' in contemporary Iran. The purpose of this study is to... Show moreThe title of this study raises questions about the meaning and the significance of the words 'modernity', 'tradition' and 'Political Islam' in contemporary Iran. The purpose of this study is to reveal true meanings of the thoughts and practises of the post-revolution Iranian elites and intellectuals, in relations to and alongside the social events, to emphasize the existence of a modernisation process in the institution of state and the moderate re-interpretation of Islam in the religious establishment, which together have given rise to the distinctly Iranian features of political development. This study shall be in a socio-historical setting because political changes and social events in contemporary Iran are difficult to identify and impossible to understand unless their roots are discovered in their true locations. Show less
This study is an attempt to understand the political and economic dynamics of eighteenth-century Gujarat. The aspects of the interpenetration of trade and politics and the complex nature of... Show moreThis study is an attempt to understand the political and economic dynamics of eighteenth-century Gujarat. The aspects of the interpenetration of trade and politics and the complex nature of relationship among rulers, merchants and producers have been analysed mainly on the basis of information culled from the archives of the Dutch and the English East India Companies. The study underscores the distinct nature of the political economy of Gujarat and compares and contrasts it with those of other regions especially Bengal and southern India Show less
Since the early 1960s, Chilean history has been characterised by the implementation of widely different political projects. Despite the ideological differences between them, these projects have... Show moreSince the early 1960s, Chilean history has been characterised by the implementation of widely different political projects. Despite the ideological differences between them, these projects have shared a strong orientation towards modernity and odernisation. All of them have been focused on making Chile a ‘modern country’ in a relatively short period of time, based on different interpretations of what modernity is. These projects have been labelled the ‘Revolution in Liberty’ (1964-1970), he ‘Chilean Road to Socialism’ (1970-1973), he ‘Silent Revolution’ (1973-1990), and more recently ‘Growth with Equity’ (1990-2006). This study shows that these projects share key characteristics in their conception and implementation. They have all been based on modernising doctrines and economic development theories, and have focused on the state, technocracy, and state planning as the main motors for modernisation. As a result of their competition and interaction, these projects have left lasting legacies, which have crystallised into particularly stable patterns of modernity. Show less
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in... Show moreThe purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in State formation in west central Zambia from the 17th century onwards. The chapter shows that State formation in west central Zambia entailed the imposition upon local village communities of a more or less centralized sociopolitical structure, representing a departure from the social organization and ideology prevailing in pre-State times. In the specific context of the expansion of Lunda political culture over much of south central Africa, the typical form of Statehood that emerged had two salient features: perpetual kinship and positional succession, neither of which corresponded with structural themes in local village society. The chapter compares the cultural logic of the village and that of the royal court in more detail, arguing that the latter completely ignored the former. This is illustrated by the particular cases of the Nkoya and the Lozi. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
In deze bijdrage wordt in enkele algemene lijnen geponeerd dat de noodzaak tot staatsomvorming in Afrika voor het komende decennium prioriteit nummer één is. De rol van buitenlandse mogendheden en... Show moreIn deze bijdrage wordt in enkele algemene lijnen geponeerd dat de noodzaak tot staatsomvorming in Afrika voor het komende decennium prioriteit nummer één is. De rol van buitenlandse mogendheden en organisaties kan daarbij belangrijk zijn, maar moet niet worden overschat. Tendensen in de relatief autonome wereldeconomie, waarvan de nadelige effecten door de nationale staten te weinig worden beheerst, zijn van groter belang. De schuld van Afrika's probemen leggen bij het mondiale kapitalisme is een oude tactiek, die gedeeltelijk gerechtvaardigd is: sinds het einde van de 18e eeuw is Afrika van alle continenten het meest gemarginaliseerd in de wereldeconomie. Maar een kritische evaluatie van de falende elite-regimes in Afrika blijft hierbij nodig, evenals van een internationale politiek die hen om pragmatische redenen blijft steunen. Bij uitblijven van democratisering en hervorming van autocratische regimes in situaties van economische stagnatie zal de wal het schip blijven keren en zal geweld de optie blijven die benadeelde groepen zullen kiezen om staatsomvorming te bewerkstelligen. Show less
Thans, vijf jaar na de val van de Berlijnse Muur, is het duidelijk dat in het grootste deel van Afrika meerpartijendemocratie als zodanig niet geschikt of voldoende is om het politieke gezag te... Show moreThans, vijf jaar na de val van de Berlijnse Muur, is het duidelijk dat in het grootste deel van Afrika meerpartijendemocratie als zodanig niet geschikt of voldoende is om het politieke gezag te herstellen dat regeringen ten tijde van de onafhankelijkheid genoten en dat sinds die tijd gestaag is uitgehold. Democratisering in Afrika is in feite niet meer dan een laat stadium in het verval van het systeem van de koloniale staat. In plaats van op te bloeien door de invoering van democratie zijn de Afrikaanse staten zelfs zwakker geworden. De auteur gaat in op de achtergronden van deze crisis van de staat in Afrika. Hij stelt dat de fundamentele scheppingsdaad van de meeste Afrikaanse staten niet neerkwam op de organische ontwikkeling van een nationale mogendheid, zoals in de moderne Europese staten, maar op het willekeurig trekken van grenslijnen. Thans zouden we wel eens een terugkeer kunnen zien tot iets dat min of meer op de pre-koloniale situatie lijkt. Democratisering vormt een element in de discussie over de vorm die de tegelijk nieuwe en oude politieke economie-in-wording in Afrika aan zal nemen. Van belang zijn met name de ontwikkelingen in Zuid-Afrika, dat van alle landen ten zuiden van de Sahara de meeste aantrekkingskracht uitoefent op Westerse zakenlui en diplomaten. Tenslotte gaat de auteur in op de vraag hoe een toekomstig Nederlands Afrikabeleid er uit zou kunnen zien. Noten, samenv. in het Engels (p. 527) Show less
Na een korte bespreking van enige thema's in het onderzoek van staatsvorming in pre-koloniaal Afrika, analyseert de auteur staatsvorming in de 18e en 19e eeuw in het gebied van de Kafue/Zambezi... Show moreNa een korte bespreking van enige thema's in het onderzoek van staatsvorming in pre-koloniaal Afrika, analyseert de auteur staatsvorming in de 18e en 19e eeuw in het gebied van de Kafue/Zambezi waterscheiding in Centraal Westelijk Zambia (met name de vorming van de Nkoya en Lozi staten) tegen de achtergrond van koloniale en post-koloniale ontwikkelingen in termen van de articulatie van de productiewijzen. Hij bespreekt de uitbuitende relatie tussen vorstenhoven en plaatselijke gemeenschappen, die zich manifesteert in processen van incorporatie en etnicisatie. In tegenstelling tot de heersende opvattingen die culturele and structurele continu‹teit tussen vorstenhoven en de plaatselijke gemeenschappen benadrukken, stelt de auteur dat er bij de staatsvorming in Zambia sprake was van een absolute breuk met de sociale organisatie en culturele ideologie van de voor-statelijke plaatselijke dorpssamenleving. Deze transformatie slaagde weliswaar in de Lozi staat, maar dit was niet het geval in de Nkoya staten. In dit verband benadrukt de auteur de centrale rol van geweld (inclusief rituele moord). Een en ander kan ook relevant zijn voor de beoordeling van het huidige geweld in Zuidelijk Afrika. Bibliogr., noten Show less
Exploring the penetration of the state into the region of the Kapsiki (and Higi) of North Cameroon and northeastern Nigeria, the author shows that the marginalization of the Kapsiki was not caused... Show moreExploring the penetration of the state into the region of the Kapsiki (and Higi) of North Cameroon and northeastern Nigeria, the author shows that the marginalization of the Kapsiki was not caused by geographical factors, but was mainly the product of interaction with state-building processes from the 18th century onwards. The continuing marginalization and exploitation of the Kapsiki are described as a process of cultural proletarization. Show less
