The last ten years has seen the rise of populist forces across the globe from both the right and the left. While often read in the context of the perceived rise of, and reactions to populist and... Show moreThe last ten years has seen the rise of populist forces across the globe from both the right and the left. While often read in the context of the perceived rise of, and reactions to populist and potentially violent Islam, this analysis is excessively focused on observations of the right, and ignores similarities between the populist right and the populist left. By way of an alternative, this article draws together political theology, original ethnography and observations of contemporary politics in the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent the United States and Canada) to offer a broader lens involving: the rise of liberalism, the consequent construction of politics as technocratic management, and the neglect and resultant disillusionment of ordinary people. In particular, the paper draws on my recent research on the role of myths of solidarity in developing civic engagement. It argues that myths of solidarity have been undermined by the rise of liberalism, and that restoring such myths to the center of contemporary politics is vital to challenging the myths of division that fuel populist politics. Finally, it explores possibilities for restoring myths to the center of contemporary politics, suggesting that while avenues for such reform are emerging, politics as technocratic management remains the dominant paradigm. Show less
The dissertation explores the relationship between online and offline anti-corruption activism in Banten, Indonesia. It examines the historical background of anti-corruption activism in Indonesia,... Show moreThe dissertation explores the relationship between online and offline anti-corruption activism in Banten, Indonesia. It examines the historical background of anti-corruption activism in Indonesia, the comparison of online discourse of corruption framed by national civil society organizations (CSOs) and local activists, the impact of online activism on citizenship characteristics, and its potential transformation into strong or weak offline mobilization. The study uses social media ethnography to examine the materiality of being online and its relation to corruption and anti-corruption campaigns. The research reveals that corruption is primarily constructed as a legal discourse in national anti-corruption campaigns, while in Banten, morality and religious discourse are used to frame corruption. Online anti-corruption activism in Banten involves digital acts of reporting and sharing corruption news and flaming to resist corrupt leaders. This approach has led to the development of 'digital affective citizenship', where citizens express anger, hate, passion, and disgust towards corrupt leaders. The dissertation also discusses the characteristic of citizens in Banten that reflects "powerless angry citizens," who desire to influence political outcomes through corruption but feel powerless due to the mismatch between their desire and the limitations of participatory channels and organizations. Show less
Imagining solidarity in the 21st century is particularly difficult in light of three factors: religious diversity, a religion/secular binary, and uncertainty as to the political future. This... Show moreImagining solidarity in the 21st century is particularly difficult in light of three factors: religious diversity, a religion/secular binary, and uncertainty as to the political future. This article employs myth as a lens for exploring and developing responses to these difficulties coalescing around the term postsecular. It suggests that these difficulties are reproduced rather than overcome in Jürgen Habermas’ work. It then distinguishes between the postsecular, postsecularity and postsecularism to demonstrate how recent work offers new possibilities. Finally, it draws on original ethnography to develop this work. It claims that myth is central to how both religious and nonreligious people imagine solidarity. It suggests that myth is primarily performed rather than rationally argued, and calls for myths to be judged on the basis of the performances they produce. Finally, it suggests that the content of myths is less important than how and by whom they are constructed. Together, these insights constitute performative postsecularism. Show less
This study analyses the life and the organizations of Mexican textile workers in two concrete historic events. First, during the Porfiriato, as the period from 1876-1911 has been called, in which... Show moreThis study analyses the life and the organizations of Mexican textile workers in two concrete historic events. First, during the Porfiriato, as the period from 1876-1911 has been called, in which President Porfírio Díaz managed to establish order in Mexico, attract foreign capital, and create favourable conditions for railroad construction, mines and industry. The second period under consideration is that of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920), which started as an insurgent movement in November 1910 by Francisco I. Madero against the recent re-election of President Porfírio Díaz. This dissertation concerns the development of the textile industry in Tlaxcala from the 1880s onwards and with a special focus on the relationships between workers and textile industrialists. The state of Tlaxcala is located on the eastern high plain of Central Mexico between Mexico City and the coastal area of the state of Veracruz. During the Porfiriato an industrial corridor developed between Orizaba, Veracruz, and Atlixco in the far west of the state of Puebla. Tlaxcala textile industries are part of this corridor. The analysis in this study is based on three groups of actors in the textile industry of Tlaxcala: the workers, the industrialists and the local government between the middle of the nineteenth century and the end of the so called Armed Revolution in 1920. Our focus is on the development of the textile industry during the Porfiriato, the effects of the industrialization on the mainly indigenous peasant communities, the social and geographical origin of the workers, the beginnings of their labour organizations and the formulations of their protests as presented in three key moments, that is, the strikes of 1905-1906 under president Díaz, those of 1911-1912 under president Madero and finally those of 1918 under president Carranza. Show less
Most individuals with radical ideologies will not evolve into violent extremists, let alone terrorists. Understanding the dynamics and various pathways into a radical ideology is nonetheless... Show moreMost individuals with radical ideologies will not evolve into violent extremists, let alone terrorists. Understanding the dynamics and various pathways into a radical ideology is nonetheless important. However, empirical research on pathways into left-wing radicalization is scarce. In this chapter, we define the concept of left-wing radicalization in relation to extremism and provide an overview of existing research on left-wing radicalization. Drawing on case studies and our own empirical research, we discuss both individual motives for participation in radical left groups and macro-level factors in the political and societal context that impact the growth or demise of radical left groups. Show less
Why do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of... Show moreWhy do people become active in Dutch far-right extremist (FRE) movements (active between 2015 and 2018), why do they stay active and to what extent does this correspond with the existing body of literature? Based on 36 life-history interviews with far-right extremists and the existing body of knowledge, this dissertation indicates five different routes of entry: Thrill Seekers, Political Seekers, Justice Seekers, Social Seekers and Ideological Seekers.Although the four prominent theories that have sought to explain why people become involved in FRE (the Authoritarian Personality, social identity theory, grievance theories and the social movement theory) have shortcomings, the observations on which these theories were based are still valid. These theories in themselves are not an all-encompassing explanation. However, when they are regarded as complementary, especially when enhanced by insights from leading empirical research, a structural contribution can be made with regard to answering the question as to why people become active within FRE movements. Only then can researchers systematically investigate and back up plausible hypotheses with evidence. Show less
