Intelligence is generally collected and used in secret to inform internal audiences. Before and after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, however, the UK and US governments have deployed intelligence... Show moreIntelligence is generally collected and used in secret to inform internal audiences. Before and after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, however, the UK and US governments have deployed intelligence extensively to influence external audiences, both publicly and privately, regarding Russian intentions, capabilities and practices, and the consequences of Russian actions. While the scale, manner and initially pre-emptive nature of these disclosures represent a significant evolutionary step in how liberal-democratic governments use their intelligence assets, current practice has built upon historical precedents. This article examines why states choose to use intelligence – including fabricated intelligence – for influencing external audiences; the different methods they deploy for doing so; the gains and costs of publicising intelligence; and how the use of intelligence during the Russia–Ukraine conflict should be understood within broader historical and contemporary trends. The authors conclude that while liberal democracies’ use of intelligence in public is to be welcomed for its greater transparency, careful risk management will be needed if this approach is to continue. Show less
Opiniërend artikel met commentaar op het besluit van de Europese Unie d.d. 1 maart 2022 om de verspreiding van twee Russische propagandazenders te verbieden.
Opiniërend artikel over de toekomstige EU-verordening ‘Europese wet inzake mediavrijheid’, die de Commissie momenteel voorbereidt. Volgens de auteur is het prima als de nieuwe verordening zou... Show moreOpiniërend artikel over de toekomstige EU-verordening ‘Europese wet inzake mediavrijheid’, die de Commissie momenteel voorbereidt. Volgens de auteur is het prima als de nieuwe verordening zou bepalen dat de lidstaten geen staatsomroep mogen invoeren, maar een algemeen verbod op het doorgeven van buitenlandse staatsomroepen gaat naar zijn mening te ver. Show less
Since at least the time of the French Revolution there has been an identifiable tradition of conspiracy theorizing that posits the existence of a powerful secret network that has either taken over... Show moreSince at least the time of the French Revolution there has been an identifiable tradition of conspiracy theorizing that posits the existence of a powerful secret network that has either taken over the world or is about to take over the world through deception under the guise of championing enlightenment, freedom, self-government, and liberalism. This thesis charts the development of this idea - called the Grand Conspiracy Theory - and examines some of the impact of this idea and demonstrates that it is a cohesive tradition that has had a decisive impact on world affairs. This is especially evident in its role in inspiring violent subversive groups, including with Nazis and radical Islamists, to engage in “counter-conspiracies” against the evil imaginary enemy. This thesis also establishes the crucial importance of propaganda campaigns in shaping and spreading the idea of the Grand Conspiracy Theory. Show less
This article analyses a notorious episode of the early 1960s when Senator J. William Fulbright, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, investigated the anti-communist propaganda... Show moreThis article analyses a notorious episode of the early 1960s when Senator J. William Fulbright, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, investigated the anti-communist propaganda activities of right-wing 'ultras' in the US military. The episode is used to investigate the phenomenon of ‘cold warriors’, those figures who associated their entire political identity with the 'fighting' of the Cold War. One particular figure soon stood out as epitomizing the anti-communist paranoia that so worried Fulbright: Major General Edwin Walker. The contest between Fulbright and Walker (and their supporters in Congress) was not a political side-show, since it soon involved President Kennedy and saw Defense Secretary Robert McNamara testifying before a Senate investigative committee. It also marked a contest between an orthodox anti-Soviet position and the new, uncertain but more flexible world-view to be known as Détente. The Walker case encapsulated the debate and the widening divide in US politics and society between those who saw the Cold War as a do-or-die struggle to the bitter end, and those who were willing to accept the existence of the Soviet Union for the sake of a stable Détente. By drawing on the work of Anders Stephanson, this article explores the broader political ramifications of the Fulbright-Walker contest in the context of the changing dynamics of the Cold War. Show less
This study by artist Jonas Staal explores the development of propaganda art from the 20th to the 21st century. Staal defines propaganda as the performance of power by means of the equation... Show moreThis study by artist Jonas Staal explores the development of propaganda art from the 20th to the 21st century. Staal defines propaganda as the performance of power by means of the equation propaganda = power + performance. Through his work as a propaganda researcher and practice as a propaganda artist, he argues that different structures of power generate different forms of propaganda and therefore different forms of propaganda art. Whereas in the context of the 20th century Staal discusses the differences between avant-garde, totalitarian, and modernist propaganda art, in the 21st century he proposes the categories of War on Terror Propaganda Art, Popular Propaganda Art, and Stateless Propaganda Art. By means of concrete examples of artists and artworks within each of these categories, he attempts to show how the performance of power in the 21st century translates into different visual forms, and how they shape and direct our reality. Staal’s study shows that power and art exist in continuous interaction. Propaganda and propaganda art are not terms that only refer to the past, but concepts and practices through which we can understand the construction of reality in the present. Show less
In the spring of 1933, students at many German universities raided libraries and staged public and dramatically effective burnings of books that they deemed “un-German”. In the light of torches,... Show moreIn the spring of 1933, students at many German universities raided libraries and staged public and dramatically effective burnings of books that they deemed “un-German”. In the light of torches, accompanied by marching band music and officers of the SA in uniform, the students burnt the works of authors like Karl Marx, Thomas Mann, Sigmund Freud, Erich Maria Remarque and Erich Kästner. These book burnings were not only the destruction of ink, glue and paper to destroy the material books themselves, it was carried out to have a symbolic purpose. To start with, the political and historical backgrounds for these events are shortly given. This is followed by an analysis of the symbolic dimensions of burning books that were pursued by the national socialists, by example of the libricide in front of the Humboldt-Universität Berlin. This was the most important of the book burnings in 1933 as it was broadcasted throughout the whole country and the minister for propaganda, Goebbels, even held a speech. It did not suffice for the national socialists to destroy the books, but the public should see what happens to thoughts that were not compliant with their ideology, demonstrating that the Nazis had proclaimed themselves as authority over the minds and morals of people. Show less
In the Counter Reformation, art and architecture are often attributed a central role in such a process of persuasion. Recent historical studies, however, have emphasized the intense fear of God... Show moreIn the Counter Reformation, art and architecture are often attributed a central role in such a process of persuasion. Recent historical studies, however, have emphasized the intense fear of God that held Early Modern society in its grip, leading to a revision of the traditional view of the Counter Reformation as a top-down process. This revision has important implications for the history of art, as it challenges us to reconsider the notion of religious art and architecture during the Counter Reformation as rhetorical “propaganda”. In the present dissertation I approach the religious art patronage in the Catholic South from a perspective informed by recent developments in ethnography and anthropology. I propose to redefine the “baroque piety” of religious patronage that generated works of art and architecture not as a strategy to persuade (in a rhetorical way), but to negotiate with the divine in a continuous process of reconciliation, aiming to regain divine grace. Put in anthropological terms, works of art served as ritual interfaces to enter into negotiation with the divine. This negotiation with God took place within networks of social relations (nexuses) in which art and architecture functioned as agents of change Show less
The Zimbabwean issue has often divided opinion. President Robert Mugabe's domination of the country__s political and media landscapes has attracted scrutiny and criticism from the West. The ... Show moreThe Zimbabwean issue has often divided opinion. President Robert Mugabe's domination of the country__s political and media landscapes has attracted scrutiny and criticism from the West. The "oppressed" people of Zimbabwe are said to have not had an alternative to state-sponsored TV or daily media outlets. The availability of new media vices including the Internet is being seen as offering a new platform to fight these perceived forms of dictatorships. This PhD employed qualitative methods to probe the potential of new media in sustaining democracy in Zimbabwe. Show less
Following the execution of Charles I (1649), the Dutch Republic witnessed an unprecedented output of publications in support of the Stuart monarchy in Britain. Throughout the 1650s, the Stuart... Show moreFollowing the execution of Charles I (1649), the Dutch Republic witnessed an unprecedented output of publications in support of the Stuart monarchy in Britain. Throughout the 1650s, the Stuart cause retained a central position in Dutch political debate. Dutch opinion makers from various ideological backgrounds conspired to create a heterogeneous corpus of texts lamenting the martyred king and extolling his son. Publications questioning this enthusiasm for the English monarchy were extremely rare. Judged by printed publications, the Dutch Republic was a royalist republic in the 1650s. Dutch royalism had various problematic political and religious implications. Why was the royalist cause treated with so much sympathy in a Protestant Republic that was very much akin to the English Republic? Were the Dutch still under the spell of a monarchic culture? Was royalism the result of propaganda campaigns? Answering these and related questions, this study transforms our understanding of early modern British and Dutch political culture by arguing that British and Dutch political discourses were very much intertwined. Show less
