This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less
This thesis investigated the extent to which types of civil service appointments shape the attitudes and behaviour of civil servants in neo-patrimonial settings, with a focus on the Ghanaian... Show moreThis thesis investigated the extent to which types of civil service appointments shape the attitudes and behaviour of civil servants in neo-patrimonial settings, with a focus on the Ghanaian experience. Despite the theoretical view in public administration literature about the consequences of the type of a civil servants’ appointment on his/her attitude and behaviour, the empirical data is marginal in emerging democracies such as Ghana. Regarding the attitudes and behaviour of concern, the study focused on the level of bureaucrats’ autonomy, loyalty and responsiveness. To investigate this phenomenon, the study adopted a mixed-method approach to understand why civil servants, despite their apolitical cloak, demonstrate varied attitudes and behaviour in contravention with their professionalism and, in particular, determine how their type of appointment influenced such attitudes and behaviour. The findings confirmed the study’s hypothesis that the type of a bureaucrats’ appointment into the bureaucracy indeed influenced his/her attitudes and behaviour. However, further analysis of this finding impugned mainstream discourses regarding the expected impact of types of appointment. For example, the study found that regardless of how merit-based the process of appointing a bureaucrat is, his/her autonomy is limited in Ghana. Secondly, whilst the general theoretical predictions concerning patronage and hybrid appointments’ impact on loyalty and responsiveness were confirmed respectively, the findings also suggest that such loyalties and responsiveness are not absolute, due to regulatory mechanisms and competing interests. Furthermore, this study’s findings support the class of scholars who call into question the orthodox view in bureaucratic politics that patronage is damaging because this study finds otherwise. It therefore adds to discussions on the need to move beyond the monistic conception of patronage as negative to encompass its beneficial outcomes. The study also proposes legal-constitutional and policy reforms that go beyond the merit-principle to embrace patronage and hybrid considerations where necessary. Show less
This project focuses on the political manifestations that can be found in the Argentinean film productions made after the dictatorship, since 1983 until nowadays. The proposed path relates the... Show moreThis project focuses on the political manifestations that can be found in the Argentinean film productions made after the dictatorship, since 1983 until nowadays. The proposed path relates the works with their socio-political, historical and cultural context, and allows the understanding of the transformations of the links (both ethic and aesthetic) between the filmed world and its referents This tesis posits that the memory of the violence that took place in this country during the 70s imprinted a significant mark in the articulation of discursive worlds as well as in any Argentine artistic production. It also considers the memory as a practice that acts in the Argentine collective imaginary, incorporating more extended historical periods that, in terms of causes and consequences, precede the last dictatorship and extend themselves into the present. Thus, the notion of memory is the focus that links the past events with every specific present, and, simultaneously, it is the hermeneutical frame of a research based on a corpus formed by diverse expressive genres. The specific systems of representation of those political events, whose impact manifested itself in the accounted period, are analyzed. We analyze the (fictional and documentary) film figurations of the myths and narrations of the peronismo (a contradictory political movement) and the ways of social irruption revealed in a climate of popular revolt that accompanied profound economical and institutional-political crisis at the dawning of this century. Show less
Esse estudo examina diferentes abordagens das comparações etnográficas e analisa debates recentes e antigos sobre como comparar evidências etnográficas, bem como mostra de que modo epistemologias... Show moreEsse estudo examina diferentes abordagens das comparações etnográficas e analisa debates recentes e antigos sobre como comparar evidências etnográficas, bem como mostra de que modo epistemologias comparativas mudaram durante momentos políticos específicos (colonialismo, descolonização e fim da Guerra Fria). Recentemente emergiram novas formas reflexivas de comparação com raízes na epistemologia interpretativa. O fim da Guerra Fria estimulou formas de comparação e reflexividade que deram surgimento ao que chamo de comparação por serendipidade: uma abordagem comparativa baseada em uma epistemologia interpretativa que abraça serendipidade, reflexividade e relevância como mais importantes que controle.This study examines different approaches to ethnographic comparisons and analyses recent as well as older debates on how to compare ethnographic evidence. It shows how comparative epistemologies have changed during specific political moments (colonialism, decolonization, and the end of the Cold War). Recently, new forms of reflexive comparison have emerged that are rooted in an interpretative epistemology. The end of the Cold War stimulated new forms of comparison and reflexivity that gave rise to what I call serendipitous comparison: a comparative approach that is based on an interpretative epistemology that embraces serendipity, reflexivity, and saliency as being more important than control. Show less
The author first traces the successive approaches to African chieftaincy in the course of the 20th century, contrasting the dualistic and the transactionalist models. He then examines the thesis... Show moreThe author first traces the successive approaches to African chieftaincy in the course of the 20th century, contrasting the dualistic and the transactionalist models. He then examines the thesis of the resilient chief by considering a case from western central Zambia. He shows that the power base of local chiefs and their room for manouvring is weakening and that the chiefs are experimenting with new strategies in order to survive. They are driven into the arms of new actors on the local scene, against whom they are rather defenceless. One such new actor is an ethnic voluntary organization, the Kazanga Cultural Association. This NGO has been amazingly successful in bridging indigenous politics and the State in a process of ethnicization. Gradually, the revival of chieftainship which this NGO has brought about, is turning out to lead not to resilience but to impotent folklorization. Chiefs who are unable to link their symbolic capital - their ceremonial functions - to the experimental worlds of the urbanites, find themselves locked into a position of declining significance. Show less
As the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord... Show moreAs the violent civil war in South Sudan comes to a formal end, peace is made by power-sharing between political competitors. Crucial positions are not elected but distributed through a ‘warlord politics’, providing rewards to those who ‘went to the bush’ to fight the war. Bruno Braak describes this process with the example of a rebel commander-turned-governor in the country’s Western Equatoria State. Show less
This study surveys the theory about 'Christendom' developed by the Anglican theologian Oliver O'Donovan. The author defines 'Christendom' as a state of affairs in which the Christian faith in one... Show moreThis study surveys the theory about 'Christendom' developed by the Anglican theologian Oliver O'Donovan. The author defines 'Christendom' as a state of affairs in which the Christian faith in one way or another gives public direction to society and/or politics. The investigation is positioned within the present debate about the role of religion in Dutch society. The Anglo-Saxon Christendom debate illustrates that the discussions about the societal role of religion should not deny the theological dimension to this question. The Christendom debate of our time has been for the most part initiated by two American theologians, John Howard Yoder and Stanley Hauerwas. They take a critical view of Christendom. Besides this option there are four other positions in the Christendom debate: the Christian faith as civil religion, the liberal vision, the theocratic approach, and confessional or principled pluralism. A comparison between them and O'Donovan's theory shows out that the latter has the potential to unite what usually only exists in mutual tension and to open up a fruitful continuation of the 'Christendom' debate as well as the discussions about the role of religion in society. Show less
Chadians’ growing use of social media could prove a boon for the country’s political transition, but it could also fuel violence offline. With donor backing, authorities, civil society, online... Show moreChadians’ growing use of social media could prove a boon for the country’s political transition, but it could also fuel violence offline. With donor backing, authorities, civil society, online platforms and influencers should work to ensure social media remains a space for democratic debate rather than an accelerator of conflict. Show less
Dijk, Kees van; Permata, Ahmad-Norma; Zuhri, Syaifudin; et al. 2016
After violent protests across the country had forced President Suharto to step down in 1998, Indonesia successfully made the transition from an authoritarian state to a democracy. For the first... Show moreAfter violent protests across the country had forced President Suharto to step down in 1998, Indonesia successfully made the transition from an authoritarian state to a democracy. For the first time in forty years Islamic parties and organizations – including some inspired by the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood – were free to propagate their ways of thinking. The new government also succeeded in negotiating an end to a separatist rebellion in Aceh, making the province the only region in Indonesia permitted to draft its own Islamic legislation. In this book Indonesian scholars affiliated with Islamic universities as well as Dutch researchers investigate what has happened since the transition. They explore what the consequences are of the growing influence of orthodoxy and radicalism, which – while already visible prior to 1998 – has only grown stronger. How did political and religious relations change? How were the lives of women and their legal position affected? Furthermore, what are the ramifications for religious minorities? Show less
Dijk, R.A. van; Kirsch, T.G.; Duarte dos Santos, F. 2021
The introduction to this special issue argues that in many countries in southern Africa a new phase in the entanglement between the religious and the political has set in. Increasingly, activists... Show moreThe introduction to this special issue argues that in many countries in southern Africa a new phase in the entanglement between the religious and the political has set in. Increasingly, activists in political fields are borrowing from religious registers of discourse and practice, while conversely, activists in the religious domain are adopting discourses and practices originating in the political domain. We suggest that this religiopolitical activism is simultaneously the product of a climate of profound social change and an important transformative force within it. In order to do justice to the complex dynamics of southern African religiopolitical activism in its manifold manifestations, we draw on the concept of ‘family resemblances’. This allows us to examine how the boundaries between religious and political registers are made the object of situated social negotiations. The family resemblances explored in this special issue range from religiopolitical activists’ habitus and their communication strategies via religious leaders’ self-positionings in relation to the political, to the creation of specific religiopolitical spaces. Show less
There are many publications dealing with the political career of Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), who transformed the political landscape of Iran and the Middle East after the Islamic Revolution of... Show moreThere are many publications dealing with the political career of Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), who transformed the political landscape of Iran and the Middle East after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Most of the research conducted in the West is on Khomeini’s political strategies, while the influential role of mysticism in all facets of his life is ignored. This book is the first study examining Khomeini’s poetry, mysticism and the reception of his poetry both in Iran and the West. It investigates how Khomeini integrated various doctrines and ideas of Islamic mysticism and Shiiism such as the Perfect Man into his poetry. Show less
The ISIM roundtable Veiled Politics (30 October 2003) aimed at rethinking the politics of veiling practices in the Islamic world and in Europe. The roundtable included presentations by Annelies... Show moreThe ISIM roundtable Veiled Politics (30 October 2003) aimed at rethinking the politics of veiling practices in the Islamic world and in Europe. The roundtable included presentations by Annelies Moors (ISIM), Linda Herrera (Population Council, Cairo), Saba Mahmood (University of California, Berkeley and ISIM Visiting Fellow), and Mayanthi Fernando (University o f Chicago). The convenor was Vazira Fazila-Yacoobali (ISIM). Show less
Griekenland beleefde in 2023 historische verkiezingen. Nea Dimokratia (ND) van zittend premier KyriakosMitsotakis behaalde – in twee rondes – een klinkende overwinning, met een niet eerder... Show moreGriekenland beleefde in 2023 historische verkiezingen. Nea Dimokratia (ND) van zittend premier KyriakosMitsotakis behaalde – in twee rondes – een klinkende overwinning, met een niet eerder vertoonde overmacht.De grootste oppositiepartij Sýriza verloor niet alleen veel zetels, maar ook haar politiek leider Alexis Tsipras.Daarnaast keerde extreemrechts terug in het parlement. Toch verliepen de eerste maanden voor de nieuwe regering allesbehalve vlekkeloos. Alle reden om het Griekse politieke landschap weer eens nader onder de loep te nemen. Show less
In the period between the world wars the Rotterdam author Jo Otten revealed a view of the world in his writings that can be called fairly unique in Dutch literature. The first fruits of Otten's... Show moreIn the period between the world wars the Rotterdam author Jo Otten revealed a view of the world in his writings that can be called fairly unique in Dutch literature. The first fruits of Otten's pen were born during his education, when he studied Trade Economics. These are texts steeped in a melancholic atmosphere and betray the thinking of the French poet Charles Baudelaire. Over the years Otten became convinced that everything in life was dependant on a position of satisfaction. In his critical work he reacted to stagnation by pleading for a 'mobile' way of life, where everything was constantly on the move. It describes the hyper-awareness of the modernist: a person subject to doubt, who resists stagnation and reflects this in his work. Otten introduced his critical view of the world in the essay Mobiliteit en revolutie (Mobility and Revolution) (1932). In this essay he applauded the 'mobile person', an autonomous, chameleon-like figure who tries to escape social stagnation in various ways, some of them even surrealistic. Otten put into words the fundamental unrest that is the consequence of such a way of life in his kaleidoscopic novella Bed en wereld (Bed and World) (1932). Show less
