Indian agriculture is widely believed to be in crisis. There is broad consensus among scholar, policymakers and activists that economic hardships and the changing climate have made sustaining a... Show moreIndian agriculture is widely believed to be in crisis. There is broad consensus among scholar, policymakers and activists that economic hardships and the changing climate have made sustaining a livelihood through farming increasingly untenable. There is a strong sense that something has to be done to help farmers deal with the crisis, and in recent years agricultural insurance has been presented as a possible fix for rural distress. This dissertation studies how a new agricultural insurance scheme called PMFBY becomes part of everyday social interactions and experiences. Insurance companies often assert that quantified procedures can accurately - and fairly - calculate the extent of agricultural risk, attach a price tag to it and protect against it. Can quantification really be the antidote to crisis? To answer this question I explore how insurance numbers translate to the everyday experiences of rural people in central Maharashtra. I find that, when seen from the perspective of those encountering them in their daily lives, the numbers are anything but straightforward. The effects of quantification were often arbitrary, and despite promises of transparency, they had a tendency to obscure rather than clarify. In short, the numbers turned out to be inconsistent and ambiguous. The dissertation describes how people attempt to make sense of this ambiguity through their moral understandings. It focusses on the (often heated) discussions, the collective pondering such discussions led to, the personal dilemmas it posed as well as the dreams and aspirations numbers became entwined with. I explore how such quandaries unfold and argue that a focus on the morality of quantification brings to light the social life of numbers beyond their 'objective' factuality. Show less
This research aims to address the relationship between cinema and political thought in Latin America, in order to question a limited understanding of cinema politics, which has dominated the field... Show moreThis research aims to address the relationship between cinema and political thought in Latin America, in order to question a limited understanding of cinema politics, which has dominated the field of study since the middle of the last century, and to propose a different one that we will call politics of anonymity in Latin American cinema. With the production of this concept, we will seek to take charge of this "extensive and amorphous matter" of Latin American cinema, to demonstrate the existence of a radical cinema politics right there where it has been denied, both by conventional film studies and by the political theories of Latin American militant filmmakers. Show less
Roger Martin du Gard (1881-1958) (Nobel Prize for Literature in 1937 for the novel cycle Les Thibault in 8 parts, included in the Pléiade edition, Oeuvres complètes, 1955) put, between 1941 and... Show moreRoger Martin du Gard (1881-1958) (Nobel Prize for Literature in 1937 for the novel cycle Les Thibault in 8 parts, included in the Pléiade edition, Oeuvres complètes, 1955) put, between 1941 and 1955, the novel Le Lieutenant-Colonel de Maumort (or: Maumort) on paper, his latest work, which remaines unfunished. It was released posthumously in 1983.The thesis covers in seven chapters a number of aspects of Maumort. In Section I the septuagenarian Bertrand de Maumort looks back on his life (the story is in the first person). His childhood spent in a castle in Normandy (Le Saillant) and his studies in Paris, were given the most space. Instead of ‘Mémoires’, the basic form of Maumort could also have been that of letters (Section II). Maumort corresponds with his friend, the doctor Gévresin (by whom he was given shelter for a large part of the war) about everything he experiences after his return to Le Saillant. There are now (only) nine letters (december 1944-January 1945). After that, the correspondence stops. In the Boîte Noire (Black Box)(Section III), about 40 files appear (= folders in which Martin du Gard stored thoughts on specific subjects that he had written); some of them mention Les Thibault, especially regarding the character Antoine Thibault. Show less
This thesis investigated the extent to which types of civil service appointments shape the attitudes and behaviour of civil servants in neo-patrimonial settings, with a focus on the Ghanaian... Show moreThis thesis investigated the extent to which types of civil service appointments shape the attitudes and behaviour of civil servants in neo-patrimonial settings, with a focus on the Ghanaian experience. Despite the theoretical view in public administration literature about the consequences of the type of a civil servants’ appointment on his/her attitude and behaviour, the empirical data is marginal in emerging democracies such as Ghana. Regarding the attitudes and behaviour of concern, the study focused on the level of bureaucrats’ autonomy, loyalty and responsiveness. To investigate this phenomenon, the study adopted a mixed-method approach to understand why civil servants, despite their apolitical cloak, demonstrate varied attitudes and behaviour in contravention with their professionalism and, in particular, determine how their type of appointment influenced such attitudes and behaviour. The findings confirmed the study’s hypothesis that the type of a bureaucrats’ appointment into the bureaucracy indeed influenced his/her attitudes and behaviour. However, further analysis of this finding impugned mainstream discourses regarding the expected impact of types of appointment. For example, the study found that regardless of how merit-based the process of appointing a bureaucrat is, his/her autonomy is limited in Ghana. Secondly, whilst the general theoretical predictions concerning patronage and hybrid appointments’ impact on loyalty and responsiveness were confirmed respectively, the findings also suggest that such loyalties and responsiveness are not absolute, due to regulatory mechanisms and competing interests. Furthermore, this study’s findings support the class of scholars who call into question the orthodox view in bureaucratic politics that patronage is damaging because this study finds otherwise. It therefore adds to discussions on the need to move beyond the monistic conception of patronage as negative to encompass its beneficial outcomes. The study also proposes legal-constitutional and policy reforms that go beyond the merit-principle to embrace patronage and hybrid considerations where necessary. Show less
Through my investigation, I expose the multiple layers of Kurdish cinema constructed by Kurdish films and directors, by academics working on Kurdish cinema, by Kurdish institutions, and by... Show moreThrough my investigation, I expose the multiple layers of Kurdish cinema constructed by Kurdish films and directors, by academics working on Kurdish cinema, by Kurdish institutions, and by contemporary artists. By employing a content analysis of films in Kurdish languages, identifying Kurdish directors as agents of history making, and investigating attempts to institutionalize Kurdish cinema, I address the Kurdish presupposition of equality to act in an aesthetic regime of art. I structure my research under three chapters: ‘A Foundation of Kurdish National Cinema’, ‘A Re-interpretation of Kurdish Trauma’, and ‘An Aesthetic Regime of Kurdishness’. Based on the detailed discussion, across these three chapters, of national cinema, the art of the un-representable, and digital revolution, I aim to reveal the necessity of exploring the aesthetics regime of Kurdishness in audio-visual terms, in order to articulate the subjectification processes leading to an ethical community in the name of Rancièrian democratic politics.I posit cinema as a home for the communicative act that will empower speech and thought for the Kurdish social body. It does so by folding the future into the present through an aesthetic regime of imperfect, mobile audio-visual assemblages. Show less
Since as far back antiquity, philosophers have been inquiring into the nature of conflict. One of the most prominent ideas to have dominated this inquiry is that conflict represents an undesirable... Show moreSince as far back antiquity, philosophers have been inquiring into the nature of conflict. One of the most prominent ideas to have dominated this inquiry is that conflict represents an undesirable part of life, one that stands opposed to the ideals of harmony, co-operation and consensus. Nietzsche, however, rejects this position, proffering various arguments for why we ought to positively value conflict. Yet Nietzsche’s stance is by no means unambigious. Commentators sharply disagree regarding the specific form of conflict to which his endorsement refers. His “hard” readers present him as a warmonger, who predominantly advocates unmeasured, destructive types of struggle (e.g. war). Conversely, Nietzsche’s “soft” readers claim that he exclusively promotes a measured, agonal mode of struggle modelled on the non-violent contests (or agons) that pervaded ancient Greek culture. I contend that both of these readings are one-sided and require modification. Indeed, the thesis that this dissertation defends is that Nietzsche promotes both measured and unmeasured struggle in an entirely coherent manner. I further argue that commentators have neglected the most significant form of conflict in Nietzsche’s thought, which is characterised by a combination of measured and unmeasured conflict. This species of struggle is analogous to the biological process of digestion, which simultaneously involves 1) a measured struggle to incorporate that which is deemed serviceable to the organism, and 2) an unmeasured struggle to eliminate material deemed redundant or harmful. This dualistic struggle is what I term organisational conflict on account of the fact that both incorporation and exclusion form part of a single overarching impetus to establish healthy organisation. Show less
This thesis is a comparative study in the History of Modern Philosophy focused on the recourse to physiology on the part of two key figures, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This involves comparative... Show moreThis thesis is a comparative study in the History of Modern Philosophy focused on the recourse to physiology on the part of two key figures, Spinoza and Nietzsche. This involves comparative research into their emphatic appeal to the body as the key to solving fundamental philosophical problems. Both Spinoza and Nietzsche are thinkers of immanence and for both the turn to the body, which is part of their projects of naturalisation, is motivated by theoretical and practical goals. I argue that we can best understand the similarities and differences between their respective philosophical physiologies, and their broader philosophical positions, starting from their shared interest in power ontologies and their commitment to immanence and naturalism. Show less
Without press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the degree of press freedom becomes an indicator of the level of democracy in a particular country.... Show moreWithout press freedom a constitutional democracy cannot function properly, to the extent that the degree of press freedom becomes an indicator of the level of democracy in a particular country. This socio-legal study aims to clarify how the concepts of freedom of expression and press freedom have evolved in Indonesian law; how press freedom as one of the main pillars of constitutional democracy has been guaranteed or curbed by the Indonesian legal system; how press freedom has been shaped in practice; and how this can be evaluated from a rule of law perspective. The research found press freedom in Indonesia is still under pressure, despite the demise of Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in 1998. Decentralised model of governance during ‘Reformasi’ has led to new types of attacks on the press. Extra-judicial killings, physical violence, bringing criminal or civil claims against journalists and impunity of those perpetrating such acts have made it difficult for many journalists to conduct their work in a proper manner and without fear. Hence, there is still a pattern of legal and non-legal attacks against the press. The research has found that from colonial times until the present Indonesia has struggled with press freedom. Show less
The Zimbabwean issue has often divided opinion. President Robert Mugabe's domination of the country__s political and media landscapes has attracted scrutiny and criticism from the West. The ... Show moreThe Zimbabwean issue has often divided opinion. President Robert Mugabe's domination of the country__s political and media landscapes has attracted scrutiny and criticism from the West. The "oppressed" people of Zimbabwe are said to have not had an alternative to state-sponsored TV or daily media outlets. The availability of new media vices including the Internet is being seen as offering a new platform to fight these perceived forms of dictatorships. This PhD employed qualitative methods to probe the potential of new media in sustaining democracy in Zimbabwe. Show less
In the period between the world wars the Rotterdam author Jo Otten revealed a view of the world in his writings that can be called fairly unique in Dutch literature. The first fruits of Otten's... Show moreIn the period between the world wars the Rotterdam author Jo Otten revealed a view of the world in his writings that can be called fairly unique in Dutch literature. The first fruits of Otten's pen were born during his education, when he studied Trade Economics. These are texts steeped in a melancholic atmosphere and betray the thinking of the French poet Charles Baudelaire. Over the years Otten became convinced that everything in life was dependant on a position of satisfaction. In his critical work he reacted to stagnation by pleading for a 'mobile' way of life, where everything was constantly on the move. It describes the hyper-awareness of the modernist: a person subject to doubt, who resists stagnation and reflects this in his work. Otten introduced his critical view of the world in the essay Mobiliteit en revolutie (Mobility and Revolution) (1932). In this essay he applauded the 'mobile person', an autonomous, chameleon-like figure who tries to escape social stagnation in various ways, some of them even surrealistic. Otten put into words the fundamental unrest that is the consequence of such a way of life in his kaleidoscopic novella Bed en wereld (Bed and World) (1932). Show less
This project focuses on the political manifestations that can be found in the Argentinean film productions made after the dictatorship, since 1983 until nowadays. The proposed path relates the... Show moreThis project focuses on the political manifestations that can be found in the Argentinean film productions made after the dictatorship, since 1983 until nowadays. The proposed path relates the works with their socio-political, historical and cultural context, and allows the understanding of the transformations of the links (both ethic and aesthetic) between the filmed world and its referents This tesis posits that the memory of the violence that took place in this country during the 70s imprinted a significant mark in the articulation of discursive worlds as well as in any Argentine artistic production. It also considers the memory as a practice that acts in the Argentine collective imaginary, incorporating more extended historical periods that, in terms of causes and consequences, precede the last dictatorship and extend themselves into the present. Thus, the notion of memory is the focus that links the past events with every specific present, and, simultaneously, it is the hermeneutical frame of a research based on a corpus formed by diverse expressive genres. The specific systems of representation of those political events, whose impact manifested itself in the accounted period, are analyzed. We analyze the (fictional and documentary) film figurations of the myths and narrations of the peronismo (a contradictory political movement) and the ways of social irruption revealed in a climate of popular revolt that accompanied profound economical and institutional-political crisis at the dawning of this century. Show less
This study surveys the theory about 'Christendom' developed by the Anglican theologian Oliver O'Donovan. The author defines 'Christendom' as a state of affairs in which the Christian faith in one... Show moreThis study surveys the theory about 'Christendom' developed by the Anglican theologian Oliver O'Donovan. The author defines 'Christendom' as a state of affairs in which the Christian faith in one way or another gives public direction to society and/or politics. The investigation is positioned within the present debate about the role of religion in Dutch society. The Anglo-Saxon Christendom debate illustrates that the discussions about the societal role of religion should not deny the theological dimension to this question. The Christendom debate of our time has been for the most part initiated by two American theologians, John Howard Yoder and Stanley Hauerwas. They take a critical view of Christendom. Besides this option there are four other positions in the Christendom debate: the Christian faith as civil religion, the liberal vision, the theocratic approach, and confessional or principled pluralism. A comparison between them and O'Donovan's theory shows out that the latter has the potential to unite what usually only exists in mutual tension and to open up a fruitful continuation of the 'Christendom' debate as well as the discussions about the role of religion in society. Show less
