Betrokken burgers vormden de ruggengraat van de Republiek. Het dagelijks leven draaide voor een groot deel op buurtorganisaties, gilden en schutterijen – en dat waren juist de stedelijke... Show moreBetrokken burgers vormden de ruggengraat van de Republiek. Het dagelijks leven draaide voor een groot deel op buurtorganisaties, gilden en schutterijen – en dat waren juist de stedelijke instituties waar zij deel van uitmaakten. In 1796 kondigden de Bataafse revolutionairen het einde van sommige van deze instellingen af en introduceerden zij het staatsburgerschap. Maar was daarmee de rol van de stedelijke burger ook uitgespeeld?Dat komen we te weten als we luisteren naar de stadsbewoners zelf. Aan de hand van de levens van Haarlemmers en Groningers tussen 1747 en 1848 illustreert dit boek het voortbestaan van lokaal burgerschap. Zij komen aan het woord via verzoekschriften, kronieken, gelegenheidsgedichten, vergadernotulen en mondelinge klachten op de burgemeesterskamer. Hoe zag de ideale stedelijke gemeenschap er volgens hen uit? Welke rechten en plichten had een burger in hun ogen? En wat waren de dure plichten van een stadsbestuurder? Voor dit burgerschap putten stadsbewoners met souplesse uit traditionele én revolutionaire idealen en praktijken. Show less
This comparative study investigates court politics in four kingdoms that succeeded the s outh Indian Vijayanagara empire during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries: Ikkeri, Tanjavur, Madurai, and... Show moreThis comparative study investigates court politics in four kingdoms that succeeded the s outh Indian Vijayanagara empire during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries: Ikkeri, Tanjavur, Madurai, and Ramnad. Building on a unique combination of unexplored Indian texts and Dutch archival records, this research offers a captivating new analysis of political culture, power relations, and dynastic developments. In great detail, this monograph provides both new facts and fresh insights that contest existing scholarship. By highlighting their competitive, fluid, and dynamic nature, it undermines the historiography viewing these courts as harmonic, hierarchic, and static. Far from being remote, ritualised figures, we find kings and Brahmins contesting with other courtiers for power. At the same time, by stressing continuities with the past, this study questions recent scholarship that perceives a fundamentally new form of Nayaka kingship. Thus, this research has important repercussions for the way we perceive both these kingdoms and their ‘medieval’ precursors. Show less
Unlike most city histories, this book focuses exclusively on the city’s connections with colonialism and slavery. Rotterdam, the second-largest Dutch city, is one of Europe’s leading ports. Its... Show moreUnlike most city histories, this book focuses exclusively on the city’s connections with colonialism and slavery. Rotterdam, the second-largest Dutch city, is one of Europe’s leading ports. Its maritime expansion was intrinsically linked to Dutch colonialism, including slave trading and colonial slavery in the Americas, Africa and Asia. This painful history sits uneasily with the city’s modern cosmopolitan image and its large population of ‘new Rotterdammers’ with colonial roots. The present volume provides a summary of the research that has documented this history, with chapters on the contribution of colonial trade to economic development; the city’s involvement in slavery; the role of the urban political elites; the impact on urban development and architecture; the ‘ethical impulse’; colonial art and ethnographic collections; colonial and postcolonial migration; and finally the resonance of this history in postcolonial Rotterdam. Show less
Margaret of Burgundy (1374-1441) is known mainly for two reasons. Firstly, her marriage in 1385 to William of Bavaria, eldest son of the Count of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, laid the foundation... Show moreMargaret of Burgundy (1374-1441) is known mainly for two reasons. Firstly, her marriage in 1385 to William of Bavaria, eldest son of the Count of Hainault, Holland and Zeeland, laid the foundation for the transfer of power in these principalities to the Burgundian dynasty some 50 years later. Secondly, she supported her only child Jacqueline of Bavaria, who fought many battles in order to prevent this. The combination of these two roles points to a conflict of interest. By supporting her daughter as the rightful Bavarian heir, Margaret inevitably came into conflict with members of her own dynasty of origin, the Valois Burgundians. The overarching question in the research presented in this thesis is what tilted the scales for Margaret as a political player in different phases of her life: was it her loyalty to the Burgundian or to the Bavarian dynasty, her connection with the Hook party in Holland, or was she driven mainly by self-interest, as is sometimes suggested? Related to this is the question whether her means were substantial enough to allow her to play her own game. In this biographical study, a chronological and a thematic approach have been combined. The loyalty question serves as guideline for the first part, in which the story of Margaret’s life is told chronologically within the broader context of political developments. The thematic second part is dedicated to her financial position as a widow, her court, and her religious and literary patronage. Show less
This PhD thesis has studied the meeting practice of the Dutch States General to address the role of tradition and culture in times of political and institutional transition in the first half of the... Show moreThis PhD thesis has studied the meeting practice of the Dutch States General to address the role of tradition and culture in times of political and institutional transition in the first half of the 19th century. Dutch revisionist historians of the Revolutionary Era have emphasized the sense of rupture surrounding the year 1800. The Batavian revolutionaries, together with French Revolutionary and Napoleonic armies, caused a clear break between the ancien régime of the Dutch Republic and the 19th-century Kingdom of the Netherlands. Modern constitutions replaced the de- centralized government system of the Dutch Republic with a unitary state from 1798 onwards. When the Dutch regained their independence after the fall of Napoleon in 1813, the new state did not turn the clock back to 1795. In that respect, the Netherlands has been studied as a fine example of Reinhard Koselleck’s concept of Sattelzeit. Continuities, such as the name States General for the bicameral parliament, were merely invented traditions to hide the new institutions of the Restoration state. Notwithstanding obvious evidence of discontinuity, in political practice there was more continuity in the Netherlands during the transitional period from the 18th to the 19th century than historians have assumed. Show less
Steen, B.S. van der; Rooden, C. van; Snoep, M. 2020
Why did people decide to found political parties? How did they convince others to become members of this new organizational model? In the second half of the nineteenth century, the first party... Show moreWhy did people decide to found political parties? How did they convince others to become members of this new organizational model? In the second half of the nineteenth century, the first party organizations differed from previously existing mass political organizations, because they aimed for and had direct access to parliamentary representation. In contrast to previously existing parties that loosely organized the traditional political elite in parliament, the new mass parties were based on an extensive organizational body that included previously excluded social groups in politics. Combining political history with social science theory, this dissertation studies the ideas and practices of political activists who founded the first party organizations. The comparison of three case studies (the German Social Democratic Workers’ Party, the British National Liberal Federation and the Dutch Anti-Revolutionary Party) is based on primary sources including letters, diaries, autobiographies, minutes of meetings, brochures, newspapers and political programs in three different languages. Show less
Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835... Show moreTaking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a more divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things. Show less
Het Haagse Binnenhof is tegenwoordig een vanzelfsprekendheid. Er gaat geen dag voorbij dat de vergaderzaal van de Tweede Kamer, de Ridderzaal en de gebouwen langs de Hofvijver niet in de media te... Show moreHet Haagse Binnenhof is tegenwoordig een vanzelfsprekendheid. Er gaat geen dag voorbij dat de vergaderzaal van de Tweede Kamer, de Ridderzaal en de gebouwen langs de Hofvijver niet in de media te zien zijn en plaatsen als het Torentje, de Trêveszaal of Nieuwspoort zijn inmiddels begrippen op zich. Een nationale overheid in Nederland zonder ‘politiek Den Haag’ is dan ook nauwelijks meer voor te stellen. Toch is het historische Binnenhof als zetel van regering en parlement de voorbije eeuwen niet altijd onomstreden geweest. Gedurende de negentiende en twintigste eeuw stond de huisvesting van de belangrijkste politieke organen van ons land vrijwel voortdurend ter discussie. Plannen om het regeringscentrum te verplaatsen, de voormalige grafelijke residentie tot de grond toe af te breken en te vervangen door grootschalige nieuwbouw bleven echter grotendeels onuitgevoerd. In dit boek laat historicus Diederik Smit aan de hand van een analyse van bovengenoemde discussies zien hoe het Binnenhof in voorbije tweehonderd jaar kon uitgroeien tot hét politieke centrum van het land: van een vervallen en verlaten complex tot het hart van de Nederlandse democratie. Show less
This dissertation contains a history of public financial student support policies in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, from their establishment in 1815 until today. It focuses especially on the... Show moreThis dissertation contains a history of public financial student support policies in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, from their establishment in 1815 until today. It focuses especially on the political and administrative decisions that led to actual policies. This history is divided in seven episodes during which policies had different goals and took different shapes. This way, the episodes reflect the changing role of the national government in Dutch society. Policy makers used financial student support as an instrument in their efforts to influence the course of social developments, with varying success. They tried to influence supply on the job market, to stimulate the development of individual talents and to advance social justice. Larger objectives were state formation, economic and cultural development and the emancipation of particular groups in society. Ever since the introduction of child benefits in the system in 1953, it has been impossible to tell whether student support is a form of education policy, income policy or social support. It has had close links with all three of them, causing reforms in one of these aspects to have unacceptable effects in the other. Public student support policy has become a complex administrative knot, still struggled with today. Show less
In 1566, the Revolt of the Netherlands against the Habsburg overlord Philip II of Spain erupted. The conflict broke the Low Countries in two parts: the Dutch Republic in the North and the Habsburg... Show moreIn 1566, the Revolt of the Netherlands against the Habsburg overlord Philip II of Spain erupted. The conflict broke the Low Countries in two parts: the Dutch Republic in the North and the Habsburg Netherlands in the South. In these two polities, two radically different narratives about the conflict emerged. Throughout the seventeenth century, people in the North remembered the Revolt as a successful struggle for freedom while inhabitants of the South remembered the conflict less vividly. Historians of the Dutch Republic have shown that in the North a canonical narrative arose about the origins of the conflict. Since they rest on the nationalist-inspired assumption that this was a self-evident development, they have left unaddressed the question of how and why such a narrative came into being. Historians of the Habsburg Netherlands have interpreted the 'silences' in the South as proof that, there, people had forgotten the rebellion. There are no comparative studies that try to explain why and how memories of the past diverged. This study examines how and why such conflicting interpretations of the Revolt arose, why they remained relevant throughout the seventeenth century, and what role memories of the Revolt played in Northern and Southern identity formation. Show less
This thesis studies the relationship of the town al-Fusṭāṭ, located at the southern end of the Nile delta in Egypt, and its hinterland in the period between the town’s foundation in A.D. 641 and... Show moreThis thesis studies the relationship of the town al-Fusṭāṭ, located at the southern end of the Nile delta in Egypt, and its hinterland in the period between the town’s foundation in A.D. 641 and the arrival of the Abbasids in 750. Non-literary sources such as papyri and inscriptions (Arabic, Coptic, and Greek) and archaeology form the main source material of this thesis. Some topics, however, cannot be addressed but via medieval historical sources. The thesis presents four case studies: on (1) the administrative relationship between al-Fusṭāṭ and Alexandria, (2) the economic development of Alexandria after the foundation of al-Fusṭāṭ, (3) al-Fusṭāṭ’s role in the military administration of Upper Egypt, and (4) al-Fusṭāṭ and the legal administration of Upper Egypt. This thesis’s main findings are that the relationship between al-Fusṭāṭ and the rest of Egypt before 750 developed in three main steps: (1) c. 641 until c. 661, a period in which fiscal and military aspects dominated this relationship; (2) c. 661 until c. 700, a first period of centralization (civil, military, and legal administration) coinciding with the Sufyanids’ come to power; and (3) 700 until 750, a second period of centralization (civil, legal, and economic) coinciding with the Marwanid reforms.Egypt, al-Fustat, Alexandria, capital, military, economy, law, papyrology, early Islam Show less
This dissertation is predicated upon the hypothesis that the agency of the non-whites in 18th century Curaçao in realising their freedom and bringing about the improvement of their economic and... Show moreThis dissertation is predicated upon the hypothesis that the agency of the non-whites in 18th century Curaçao in realising their freedom and bringing about the improvement of their economic and social situation is largely underestimated in the historiography. The specific nature of the colony’s economic orientation, centred on commerce and shipping, offered opportunities for both slaves and free non-whites. Discussed are manumission, the judicial position of free non-whites, their social-economic development, their military role and the development of their political awareness during the revolutionary years at the end of the 18th century. Possibilities to earn an income gave enslaved Curaçaoans opportunities to buy their freedom. The majority of the manumissions was made possible by the free non-white population itself. Free non-whites were not treated as equal to whites judicially, but they had access to all legal instruments. There were no judicial barriers preventing free non-whites from engaging in economic activities. Free non-whites were active in most branches of the economy and ownership of real estate and slaves was not uncommon. They played a crucial role in the defence of the colony and in maintaining law and order. There is evidence for a development of political awareness, be it largely circumstantial. Show less
Drift en koers (Passion and control) is the first scientific biography on the Dutch socialist, sociologist and feminist Hilda Verwey-Jonker (1908-2004). She is best known for the introduction of... Show moreDrift en koers (Passion and control) is the first scientific biography on the Dutch socialist, sociologist and feminist Hilda Verwey-Jonker (1908-2004). She is best known for the introduction of the word allochtonen (foreigner/alien) in the Dutch discourse and has very been influential in improving the (legal) status of especially married women. The questions her autobiography provoke were the starting point of my research. I present the results of my investigations into her lives as a passionate socialist, Protestant, intellectual, governor, expert in the field of refugee and migrant issues, ‘grey panther’ and mother of four children in fourteen chapters and fifty images. In the epilogue I present answers to the questions Verwey-Jonkers memoires raise and connect them with the notion that women are not supposed to fight in public. I thus present a new explanation for the very slow entry of women into Dutch parliamentary politics Show less
