Background: Client satisfaction is recognized as an important construct for evaluating health service provision, yet the field of family planning (FP) lacks a standard approach to its measurement.... Show moreBackground: Client satisfaction is recognized as an important construct for evaluating health service provision, yet the field of family planning (FP) lacks a standard approach to its measurement. Further, little is known about satisfaction with FP services in Niger, the site of this study. This study aims to understand what features of FP visits were satisfactory or dissatisfactory from a woman's perspective and reflect on the conceptualization and measurement of satisfaction with FP services. Methods: Between February and March 2020, 2720 FP clients (ages 15-49) were interviewed across 45 public health centers in Dosso region, Niger using a structured survey tool. The focus of this paper is on a random sub-sample of 100 clients who were additionally asked four open-ended questions regarding what they liked and disliked about their FP visit. Responses were audiorecorded, translated into French, transcribed, translated into English, coded, and analyzed thematically. Results: FP clients described nine key visit attributes related to their satisfaction with the visit: treatment by the provider, content of the counseling, wait time, FP commodity availability, privacy, cleanliness/infrastructure, visit processes and procedures, cost, and opening hours. The reason for FP visit (start, continue, or change method) was an important driver of the dimensions which contributed to satisfaction. Pre-formed expectations about the visit played a critical role in shaping satisfaction, particularly if the client's pre-visit expectations (or negative expectations) were met or not and if she obtained what she came for. Conclusion: This study makes a significant contribution by identifying visit attributes that are important to FP clients in Dosso region, Niger, and highlights that satisfaction with FP services is shaped by more than just what occurs on the day of service. We propose a conceptual framework to understand satisfaction with FP services that can be used for future FP programming in Niger. Show less
At the crossroads of major trade routes and characterised by intense human circulations, the area that encompasses northern Nigeria and southern Niger is a privileged space to study transnational... Show moreAt the crossroads of major trade routes and characterised by intense human circulations, the area that encompasses northern Nigeria and southern Niger is a privileged space to study transnational religious dynamics. Islam is, indeed, an essential feature of this region assuming today new forms in terms of discourses, practices, and modes of dissemination. In order to capture their changing complexity and diversity, regional Islamic dynamics need to be observed from both sides of the Niger-Nigeria border, where religious patterns echo each other but also obey different socio-political injunctions. While studying the processes of religious renewal and mutation, it is necessary to pay attention to the varied forms these processes take, to their direct and indirect effects and to the channels of transmission used. An interdisciplinary team of seven researchers from Niger, Nigeria, France and the United Kingdom was set up to conduct this transnational study; all authors carried out ethnographic fieldwork in both countries while constantly exchanging, comparing and discussing their respective findings with each other. Thus, this book provides first-hand material collected in the field, that contributes to enrich the reflexion on contemporary transformation dynamics in the Islamic landscapes of Niger and Nigeria, but also reflects the relevance of a transnational and comparative approach of these phenomena. Finally, it showcases the collaborative work of African and European scholars from Francophone and Anglophone countries - a type of scientific partnership unprecedented in this field. Show less
(Abstract) This article argues that the contemporaneous phenomana of the ‘third wave of democratisations’ and the ‘second wave of liberalisations’ – or neoliberalism as it were – has disrupted the... Show more(Abstract) This article argues that the contemporaneous phenomana of the ‘third wave of democratisations’ and the ‘second wave of liberalisations’ – or neoliberalism as it were – has disrupted the promise of democracy in the Global South. While the mainstream literature considers that democracy and the promotion of open market economies are mutually reinforcing, I claim that they in fact clash around the roles of the state, which both democracy and neoliberalism seek to reform, but in opposite directions. Democracy requires a broadened and responsive state system, mediating between social classes, while neoliberal reform typically shrinks the state system and shapes it to the preferences of elite classes. In this article, this thesis is explored in historical and comparative ways. I build an analytical framework through a comparison between the Bolivian National Revolution of 1952 and the democratic reforms undertaken under Evo Morales. Using this tool, I compare the fraught relations of Niger with French nuclear giant Areva and those of West Bengal with Indian industrial giant Tata. These comparisons, developed following descriptions of historical backgrounds, show why the vexed issue of the reform of the state should constitute a central research agenda if we are to grasp the fundamental conditions of the prospects of democracy in the Global South today.(Résumé) Cet article affirme que la coïncidence de la « troisième vague de démocratisations » avec la « deuxième vague de libéralisations » – néolibéralisme – a bouleversé les promesses de démocratie dans lespays du Sud. Alors que la littérature traditionnelle considère que la démocratie et la promotion d'économies de marchés ouverts se renforcent mutuellement, nous pensons qu'en réalité, elles s’affrontent sur les rôles de l'État, que la démocratie et le néolibéralisme tentent de réformer, mais dans des directions opposées. La démocratie nécessite un système étatique élargi et réactif, assurant la médiation entre les classes sociales, tandis que, généralement, la réforme néolibérale rétrécit le système étatique et le façonne selon les préférences des classes élitistes. Dans cet article, cette thèse est explorée de manière historique et comparative. Nous construisons un cadre analytique en comparant la révolution nationale bolivienne de 1952 aux réformes démocratiques entreprises sous Evo Morales. Utilisant cet outil, nous comparons les difficiles relations du Niger avec le géant nucléaire français, Areva, et celles du Bengale occidental avec le géant industriel indien Tata. Ces comparaisons, développées à la suite de descriptions de contextes historiques, justifient la constitution d’un programme central de recherche sur l’épineuse question de la réforme de l’État si nous voulons saisir les conditions fondamentales des perspectives de la démocratie dans les pays du Sud. Show less
This study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three... Show moreThis study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three countries in the region,Nigeria, Mali, and Niger. The study focuses in particular on the divergent perceptions of the issue in Europeand West Africa. While, from the point of view of decision-makers in Europe, migration from Sub-SaharanAfrica has grown since the early 2000s from a problem into a crisis, in West Africa, it is seen as a new phasein the region’s difficult history of socio-economic development. The study revisits the ways in which the EU’srelations with the region were, and still are shaped by the migration issue; reviews and discusses the migration policies of ECOWAS in context; analyses the parameters of the migration issue area in Nigeria and Mali, emphasising in particular the historical perspective in which they make sense; discusses the ways in which the EU has sought to influence the policies of these countries in this connection; examines the peculiar case of Niger, a ‘transit country’ transformed into an immigration officer for the EU; and reviews and discussesthe implications for the socio-economic progress of the region and of these three countries. In conclusion,the study emphasises that the EU and West African states have a divergent understanding of what is atstake, with the result that dialogue devolves into ineffective initiatives that reflect both the lack of coherenceand the power – in terms of resources – of the EU position. Recommended measures are suggestedthat may help to establish the balance necessary for dialogue and provide a way out of a questionable – ornon-existent - strategy. Show less
La présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l... Show moreLa présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, et sur les politiques migratoires de trois pays de la région, à savoir le Nigeria, le Mali et le Niger. Elle s’intéresse en particulier aux perceptions divergentes de cette problématique en Europe et en Afrique de l’Ouest. Alors que pour les responsables européens, la migration en provenance d’Afrique subsaharienne s’est transformée depuis le début des années 2000 de simple problème en véritable crise, en Afrique de l’Ouest, elle n’est vue que comme une nouvelle phase dans l’histoire du difficile développement socioéconomique de la région. Cette étude reviendra sur la façon dont les relations qu’entretient l’UE avec l’Afrique de l’Ouest ont été et continuent d’être façonnées par la question migratoire, puis examinera et discutera des politiques migratoires de la CEDEAO dans ce contexte, analysera les paramètres de la question migratoire au Nigeria et au Mali, en insistant tout particulièrement sur la perspective historique dans laquelle ils s’inscrivent, discutera de la façon dont l’UE a cherché à influencer les politiques de ces pays dans ce domaine, examinera le cas particulier du Niger, ‘pays de transit’ devenu agent de l’immigration de l’UE, puis examinera et discutera des implications pour le développement socioéconomique de la région en général, et de ces trois pays en particulier. En conclusion, nous verrons que l’UE et les Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest ayant une vision divergente des enjeux, tout dialogue ne peut produire que des initiatives inefficaces qui reflètent à la fois le manque de cohérence mais aussi la suprématie – en termes de ressources – de la position européenne. Des mesures seront également proposées afin d’aider à rétablir l’équilibre nécessaire à un dialogue et offrir un moyen de sortir d’une stratégie contestable - voire inexistante. Show less
This study traces the history of the Sawaba movement in Niger and its rebellion against the French-protected regime during the 1960s. Tracing the story from a social history perspective, the book... Show moreThis study traces the history of the Sawaba movement in Niger and its rebellion against the French-protected regime during the 1960s. Tracing the story from a social history perspective, the book places an entire generation of activists, removed from the offical record, back into mainstream Nig‚rien history. It analyses Sawaba's guerrilla campaign and failure, followed by the movement's destruction. The book is based on interviews with survivors and a vast range of archival resources, including those of France's secret service. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This thesis concerns the traditional script of the Tuaregs, tifinagh. This script is a direct descendent of the Libyco-Berber script, which appeared in Northern Africa in the first millennium BCE.... Show moreThis thesis concerns the traditional script of the Tuaregs, tifinagh. This script is a direct descendent of the Libyco-Berber script, which appeared in Northern Africa in the first millennium BCE. Nowadays, it is used by most Tuareg populations in southern Algeria, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. The thesis focuses on the current form and usage of this script. On the basis of a large corpus of letter signs and texts gathered during fieldwork in Niger, and to a lesser extent Mali and Burkina Faso, the graphemic diversity of the script is shown, and the orthographic system is analyzed. The traditional Tifinagh script is basically consonantal, except for the fact that vowels are written in word-final position. Moreover, by means of ligatures, it is shown which consonants in a graphemic sequence are to be interpreted as a consonant cluster (in that case the ligature is used), and which are to be interpreted as consonants separated by a vowel in pronunciation (in that case two separated signs are used). The thesis also describes the many uses the Tifinagh script has in traditional usage. This ranges from personal administrative tasks to love letters and grafitti. It is shown that recently traditional Tifinagh have started to be used in printed media too. A new development is the creation of neo-Tifinagh systems - orthographies graphemically based on Tifinagh, but with different systems - esp. the introduction of vowel signs. The different proposals are analyzed as to their main inspirations, which are mainly the Arabic and the Latin script. The usage of these new systems is traced, both in personal contexts as in the printed media. The thesis also contains a chapter on the other two scripts in use for writing Tuareg, the Latin script and the Arabic script. For the first, it shows the history of orthograohic reforms in Niger and Mali since independence. For the latter, it provides a first analysis of the graphemes and orthography used in the age-old tradition of writing Tuareg in Arabic script. Show less
Bruijn, M.E. de; Oostrum, K. van; Obono, O.; Oumarou, A.; Boureima, D. 2011
This article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the... Show moreThis article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the first autonomous government of Niger during the last years of French suzerainty (1957-1958). For a number of reasons, the French assisted in Sawaba's removal from government. Together with the new regime, they proceeded to persecute the Sawaba party, which was driven underground. Sawaba organized a clandestine domestic opposition and made preparations for a violent take-over with the help of friendly countries such as Ghana, Algeria and Mali. Assisted with arms, money and training, its commandos invaded Niger from the south and west in the autumn of 1964. Despite Algerian support before the invasion, the revolt failed and Sawaba was condemned to the political wilderness. This article focuses on the Algerian dimension of the revolt. It discusses the political evolution of Niger from the spring of 1957 to independence in August 1960 and how this connected to developments in Algeria. It then discusses Niger's security situation and how this was linked to control over its nomadic population and incursions made by the two countries across their common frontier. Subsequent sections analyse Sawaba's clandestine organization and the support provided by Algeria, discussing Sawaba's cell in Tamanrasset (southern Algeria) and its military training further to the north. The conclusion assesses the consequences of the failure of the revolt for the relations between Niger and Algeria. Notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
The papers in this volume were earlier presented at the conference 'Globalization and new questions of ownership', which was held in Leiden, The Netherlands, from 26-27 April 2002. The volume... Show moreThe papers in this volume were earlier presented at the conference 'Globalization and new questions of ownership', which was held in Leiden, The Netherlands, from 26-27 April 2002. The volume challenges the dominant view that globalization is a primary threat to African societies. Instead, it emphasizes African agency in situating globality, that is, in selectively and creatively appropriating elements of the emerging global culture. Contributions: Situating globality: African agency in the appropriation of global culture (Wim van Binsbergen, Rijk van DijkandJan-Bart Gewald); Global and local trends in media ownership and control: implications for cultural creativity in Africa (Francis B. Nyamnjoh); Global media and violence in Africa: the case of Somalia (Jan-Bart Gewald); Can ICT belong in Africa, or is ICT owned by the North Atlantic region? (Wim van Binsbergen); 'Man will live well': on the poetics of corruption in a global age (Sanya Osha); 'Beyond the rivers of Ethiopia': Pentecostal Pan-Africanism and Ghanaian identities in the transnational domain (Rijk van Dijk); Global connections, local ruptures: the case of Islam in Senegal (Roy Dilley); How is a girl to marry without a bed? : weddings, wealth and women's value in an Islamic town of Niger (Adeline Masquelier); The social life of secrets (Senegal, Ferdinand de Jong); The persistence of female initiation rites: reflexivity and resilience of women in Zambia (Thera Rasing). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
One of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the... Show moreOne of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the life of President Diori in the spring of 1965. Personal aspirations for higher education, access to jobs and social advancement, probably constituted the driving force of Sawaba's rank and file. Lured by the party leader, Djibo Bakary, with promises of scholarships abroad, they went to the far corners of the world, for what turned out to be guerrilla training. The leadership's motivations were grounded in a personal desire for political power, justified by a cocktail of militant nationalism, Marxism-Leninism and Maoist beliefs. Sawaba, however, failed to grasp the weakness of its domestic support base. The mystifying dimensions of revolutionary ideologies may have encouraged Djibo to ignore the facts on the ground and order his foot soldiers to march to their deaths. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
One of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the... Show moreOne of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the life of President Diori in the spring of 1965. Personal aspirations for higher education, access to jobs and social advancement, probably constituted the driving force of Sawaba's rank and file. Lured by the party leader, Djibo Bakary, with promises of scholarships abroad, they went to the far corners of the world, for what turned out to be guerrilla training. The leadership's motivations were grounded in a personal desire for political power, justified by a cocktail of militant nationalism, Marxism-Leninism and Maoist beliefs. Sawaba, however, failed to grasp the weakness of its domestic support base. The mystifying dimensions of revolutionary ideologies may have encouraged Djibo to ignore the facts on the ground and order his foot soldiers to march to their deaths. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary. Show less
This chapter examines the lack of evidence regarding slave resistance in German East Africa and the related question of whether the colonial stereotype of the 'docile slave' is true. It starts... Show moreThis chapter examines the lack of evidence regarding slave resistance in German East Africa and the related question of whether the colonial stereotype of the 'docile slave' is true. It starts with a brief surmise of the history of slavery and an analysis of slave actions in the period concerned (1890-1914). The labour history of population movements in Unyamwezi in central Tanzania is taken as a case study. The chapter concludes that the colonial stereotype of the submissive slave is highly misleading. The social heterogeneity of servility prevented slaves from taking concerted militant action. However, it should be acknowledged that this diversity was the result of protracted everyday struggles by individual slaves for a better life in their places of residence. [Book abstract] Show less
Hoewel meerpartijenstelsels nu alweer zo'n tien jaar functioneren, bestaat er grote scepsis over de kwaliteit van democratie in sub-Sahara Afrika. De auteur stelt dat veel van de negatieve... Show moreHoewel meerpartijenstelsels nu alweer zo'n tien jaar functioneren, bestaat er grote scepsis over de kwaliteit van democratie in sub-Sahara Afrika. De auteur stelt dat veel van de negatieve oordelen over democratie in Afrika op sterke argumenten berusten, maar toch enige bijstelling behoeven. Hij betoogt dat niet verkiezingsfraude het grootste probleem voor Afrika's politieke stelsels vormt, maar het karakter van de wisselwerking tussen politieke klasse en maatschappelijke belangenorganisaties, het gebrek aan regeringswisselingen en de negatieve gevolgen van structurele economische problemen. Bij deze economische dimensie lijkt een belangrijke rol weggelegd te zijn voor het Westen. Deze aspecten worden ge‹Ilustreerd met enkele kanttekeningen bij de verkiezingen die gehouden zijn in Namibi‰ (1999), Mozambique (1993) en Niger (1993). Noten, samenv. in het Engels (p 281) Show less
