Intelligence is generally collected and used in secret to inform internal audiences. Before and after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, however, the UK and US governments have deployed intelligence... Show moreIntelligence is generally collected and used in secret to inform internal audiences. Before and after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, however, the UK and US governments have deployed intelligence extensively to influence external audiences, both publicly and privately, regarding Russian intentions, capabilities and practices, and the consequences of Russian actions. While the scale, manner and initially pre-emptive nature of these disclosures represent a significant evolutionary step in how liberal-democratic governments use their intelligence assets, current practice has built upon historical precedents. This article examines why states choose to use intelligence – including fabricated intelligence – for influencing external audiences; the different methods they deploy for doing so; the gains and costs of publicising intelligence; and how the use of intelligence during the Russia–Ukraine conflict should be understood within broader historical and contemporary trends. The authors conclude that while liberal democracies’ use of intelligence in public is to be welcomed for its greater transparency, careful risk management will be needed if this approach is to continue. Show less
Permanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and... Show morePermanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and the EU, have come under scrutiny. However, these organizations have changed for more than seventy years and survived many crises. Hence, the focus of this research is the analysis of the paths of change, defined as broadening, widening and deepening.Though the European security organizations have been analysed more often, this research distinguishes itself by not only analysing these paths separately, but also by comparing them to one another and devoting attention to their possible interrelationship. The rationale behind this research is on the one hand the current crisis in the multilateral world order and on the other hand the absence of a coherent, theoretically inspired description and analysis of these changes.The main conclusion drawn is that the European security architecture did not result in the formerly held idea of a division of labour solely instigated by states to prevent competition and rivalry. This architecture has become a differentiated construction and changed into a hybrid architecture with complementary and even mutually interdependent organizations. Show less
Military involvement in foreign policy decision-making, and its role as a driving force in that process, has long been anathema to both academic and practitioner circles. Without wanting to pursue... Show moreMilitary involvement in foreign policy decision-making, and its role as a driving force in that process, has long been anathema to both academic and practitioner circles. Without wanting to pursue the quest for principles or ultimate predictions this study looks specifically into the role of the military in foreign policy decision-making. It does so by carefully reconstructing and comparing the sequential series of decisions of a group of British and Dutch senior civil and military decision-makers which have led to the deployment of their militaries into to Afghan provinces of Helmand and Uruzgan. Show less
Recent examples of international military intervention have shown that the strategic thinking behind the deployment of military forces in crisis situations is changing. Military intervention no... Show moreRecent examples of international military intervention have shown that the strategic thinking behind the deployment of military forces in crisis situations is changing. Military intervention no longer serves an exclusively military objective, but is part of a broader range of activities conducted by military as well as non-military actors. This trend stems from the vision that international military intervention in a crisis situation is merely one component of a broader nation-building mission drawing on a variety of instruments of power. In other words, military intervention is only one of a number of activities aimed at a country's economic, political, infrastructural and social (re)construction.This integrated approach to resolving international crises is commonly known as the Comprehensive Approach (CA), and the role of the military is known as Effects-Based Approach to Operations (EBAO). The research covers t he theoretical aspects of EBAO and the application of EBAO in the practice of NATO's mission in Afghanistan (International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) Show less
Obvious partners for NATO in the (Far) East are Russia and China. With Russia the Alliancecooperates through the NATO-Russia Council (NRC). China, as a rising international power, canalso no longer... Show moreObvious partners for NATO in the (Far) East are Russia and China. With Russia the Alliancecooperates through the NATO-Russia Council (NRC). China, as a rising international power, canalso no longer be neglected by NATO. But so far only mutual high-level visits have been conducted.Furthermore, as strategic partners, China and Russia share a negative attitude towards the West. Theyhave issued joint statements against the U.S.–Japanese initiative to develop a theatre anti-missilesystem in Asia, NATO enlargement, NATO’s ‘interventionist’ Strategic Concept of 1999 (justifying itsmilitary action in Kosovo), President Bush’s 2002 decision to annul the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treatywith Russia, and against the US/NATO missile defense shield. Furthermore, Moscow and Beijing takethe lead in international (security) organizations in the Far East region: the Collective Security TreatyOrganization (CSTO) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). Show less
What shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the... Show moreWhat shaped the defense transformation policies of NATO member-states? And what does it mean for the future of the alliance? This dissertation explores the impact of the strategic cultures of the United States, the Netherlands and Germany on their efforts to adapt their defense policies and armed forces in light of significant changes in the security environment. Transformation was the central concept around which the Alliance was believed to find renewed cohesion. Instead, transformation in an era of expeditionary operations unearthed divergent views regarding the use of the military instrument. Each state pursued transformation differently and confronted different problems. These difficulties reflected the unique characteristics of their strategic culture. On the basis of the research it can be concluded that effective transformation can only take place when the characteristics of a state's strategic culture are taken into account. For NATO, it means that, unless the security environment changes substantially, friction within the alliance will persist and instead it will be necessary to work with these differences, rather than ignore them at its peril. Show less
This essay takes President John F. Kennedy’s visionary ‘Declaration of Interdependence’ of 1962, in which he called for a concrete transatlantic partnership on equal footing as the benchmark to... Show moreThis essay takes President John F. Kennedy’s visionary ‘Declaration of Interdependence’ of 1962, in which he called for a concrete transatlantic partnership on equal footing as the benchmark to assess today’s relationship between the USA and the European Union in defence matters. The central question is: can the European Union with its emerging security and defence policy be seen as one of the two supporting pillars of NATO next to the USA? To this end, the general security strategies, the institutional frameworks and capabilities, as well as the defence industries of both sides are compared. The result is that, although the strategies and initiatives taken by the EU point towards a more equitable partnership, the current state of capabilities and defence industries make it impossible to conclude that NATO rests on two equal pillars. Nevertheless, in view of the history of European integration and in anticipation of the fresh impetus to be given by the Obama administration, the author closes by suggesting a less static image of the transatlantic partnership, namely that of an ever-changing, yet ever-closer partnership. Show less
This dissertation examines the reactions in the United States to French foreign policy during de Gaulle’s presidential tenure (1958-1969). It is concerned with these reactions in the context of the... Show moreThis dissertation examines the reactions in the United States to French foreign policy during de Gaulle’s presidential tenure (1958-1969). It is concerned with these reactions in the context of the history of American foreign policy and of American approaches to the transatlantic relationship. Based on the American documentary record, it responds to the following questions: How did Americans interpret de Gaulle’s policy of ‘independence’ within the larger framework of their ideas about the transatlantic relationship? How did consecutive administrations actually deal with the challenges posed within this framework by de Gaulle’s ‘independent’ foreign policy from 1958 to 1969? Did de Gaulle’s policy of ‘independence’ modify American policies towards Europe and the Atlantic alliance? How Americans judged Gaullism largely depended on whether they were liberal or conservative; as the liberal mindset was dominant during 1960s, the Franco-American disagreement must be partially understood as a clash between an American foreign policy steeped in liberal values and a French foreign policy steeped in the conservative tradition. As importantly, de Gaulle’s foreign policy contributed to a paradigm shift in American perceptions of the transatlantic relationship from the notion of an evolving Atlantic ‘community’ toward a more realistic Atlanticism primarily attuned to the national interest. Show less
As part of the international presence in the Western Balkans, the European Union has adopted sanctions, brokered political agreements, launched its first-ever police and military missions and... Show moreAs part of the international presence in the Western Balkans, the European Union has adopted sanctions, brokered political agreements, launched its first-ever police and military missions and directed economic, legal and administrative reforms to eradicate the root causes of instability. Yet, despite the comprehensive nature of its involvement, the EU__s strategies have been marked by confusion, its actions by concurrent or competing mandates of other international organisations. As a result, the returns on its investments are dwindling, at a time when nation-building in the region has entered its final stages with the separation of Serbia and Montenegro, the search for bringing an end to the international governance of Bosnia-Herzegovina and a final status for Kosovo. As the Western Balkans still contain a genuine security threat, there is a real imperative now to move the region as a whole from the stage of international protectorates and weak states to the stage of accession to the euro-atlantic organisations to which they aspire. This book presents legal and political ways and means to restructure the international effort to see the defining processes through. Under the leadership of the EU, only a __tough love__ strategy based on a firm but fair application of the conditionality principle can lead to the integration of the Western Balkans into the European mainstream. Show less
The current and increasing interest of local, regional and global actors in the region is related, in particular, to the possible reserves of oil and natural gas in the Caspian Sea. After the... Show moreThe current and increasing interest of local, regional and global actors in the region is related, in particular, to the possible reserves of oil and natural gas in the Caspian Sea. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, slumbering ethnic sentiments were unleashed and developed into violent conflicts. Subsequently, weak state structures and tense relations between ethic groups have caused instability, political disagreement, conflicts and economic decline. Furthermore, in addition to local reasons for conflict, the political-strategic and economic importance of the South Caucasus has been ground for (attempts at) involvement in this area by states and organisations, such as Iran, Turkey, Russia, the USA, NATO and the EU. Show less
