It is well known that military deployment can lead to mental health problems in veterans, but the long-term impact is still unclear. This thesis discusses the results of the PRISMO-study, a large... Show moreIt is well known that military deployment can lead to mental health problems in veterans, but the long-term impact is still unclear. This thesis discusses the results of the PRISMO-study, a large cohort study in a group of Dutch Afghanistan veterans with a follow-up period of ten years. It shows that at ten years post-deployment, 8% of the cohort reported severe symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Agoraphobia, anxiety, depression, and hostility symptoms are also reported more frequently at ten years post-deployment compared to pre-deployment. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates the large heterogeneity in PTSD symptom development among veterans. Of note is the delayed onset group that experienced increasing symptom levels between five and ten years post-deployment and did not show significant symptom reduction. The results from this thesis also show that various psychological factors, such as social support, and biological factors, such as DNA methylation, are associated with the development of PTSD or other mental health symptoms after deployment. Combining these factors in a prediction model for PTSD symptoms has not led to a useful screening instrument. It does, however, offer important leads for the identification of risk factors for PTSD and the development of intervention programs. Show less
This historical study deals with the deployment and the effectiveness of observers in the former Yugoslavia. The intervention started small, but the number of observers from the European Community... Show moreThis historical study deals with the deployment and the effectiveness of observers in the former Yugoslavia. The intervention started small, but the number of observers from the European Community Monitoring Mission (ECMM) and particularly the number of United Nations Military Observers (UNMOs) grew substantially during the war. The variety of their tasks and the growing number of observers seem to indicate that they played an important role. However, there was initially little clarity about how they were deployed, how this deployment evolved and how effective the observers really were. In this study, effectiveness is a key concept, which involves not only taking a closer look at the results achieved by this category of military personnel, but also comparing those results with the investments their efforts required. This makes it possible to analyse and weigh the 'costs' and 'benefits' of their deployment. Based on the results achieved by observers in the former Yugoslavia and the investment this required, conclusions can be drawn about their effectiveness. In short, the observer operations on the Balkans could be described as complex, multi-faceted and high-risk. How justifiable was it to deploy observers in a conflict at the high end of the spectrum of force? Show less
Surveys around the world report exceptionally high levels of support for the military. This is particularly relevant for countries in transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, where... Show moreSurveys around the world report exceptionally high levels of support for the military. This is particularly relevant for countries in transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, where militaries can play a vital role for democratic consolidation or autocratic backsliding. Given the sensitive nature of the issue, we suspect that figures indicating strong support for the military are at least partly driven by sensitivity bias. We explore this possibility through list experiments in two nationally representative surveys in Tunisia. We find that misreporting of support for the military in Tunisia is substantial, with respondents overreporting positive attitudes by 40–50 percentage points. Moreover, misreporting is not random, but instead varies systematically by incumbency, with supporters of governing parties misreporting support for the military to a significantly higher degree than opposition supporters or non-voters. Our results suggest that public opinion researchers should be wary of using direct questions to measure support for the military. Show less
Van Dongen, T.; Veilleux-Lepage, Y.D.; Leidig, E.; Rigault Arkis, H. 2022
This research paper seeks to examine the nature of the nexus between right-wing extremism and the military by surveying five potential consequences (i.e., problem areas) arising from the presence... Show moreThis research paper seeks to examine the nature of the nexus between right-wing extremism and the military by surveying five potential consequences (i.e., problem areas) arising from the presence of right-wing extremists within the armed forces of twelve Western countries. The five problem areas identified are military personnel: 1) committing right-wing extremist violence; 2) facilitating right-wing extremist violence by organisations; 3) perpetuating ideologically motivated hate crimes or violation of procedures and rules of engagement while on deployment; 4) hampering military diversity and inclusion efforts with activities and behaviours; and 5) undermining civilian control over the military. Based on a systematic review of five years of news media articles and government reports from 2017-2021, we find that for most problem areas the worst conceivable manifestations have thus far not (yet) materialised. Further, activities of military personnel with right-wing extremist leanings were not more dangerous as a result of their military background. Overall, the nature of the nexus between right-wing extremism and the military was vastly different amongst the countries in our study, with Germany and the US appearing to be the most heavily affected. The mapping of this threat serves as a basis for informing policymakers of the various scenarios and appropriate responses to counter right-wing extremism within the military. Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
This dissertation examines the use of the military instrument for initiating a state-building process in fragile states as a foundation for stability and basic security. This is done by analysing... Show moreThis dissertation examines the use of the military instrument for initiating a state-building process in fragile states as a foundation for stability and basic security. This is done by analysing the position of the armed intervening parties in Afghanistan in the 2001-2011 period as an empirical and qualitative single-case study. Owing to their weak governmental institutions, instability and lack of basic security, fragile state can represent serious security risks. Events taking place far from national borders of developed states governed by the rule of law can therefore affect the national security situations of those states. Whatever the motive for an armed intervention, before it commences the question must be asked as to whether the intervention force is fit-for-purpose regarding the tasks to be carried out and whether there is a large enough support base, not only for the invasion, but also for the long-term process required for the political consolidation of military results. The intervening force must be capable of kneading this harmonisation into a workable and integrated strategy, giving as much confidence as possible to the legitimate and broadly supported leadership and ownership of the fragile state that was subject of the intervention Show less
