This dissertation explores the United Nations' comprehensive approach to managing the Israel-Arab Conflict from 1967 to 1982, presenting a shift from examining peace operations as isolated efforts... Show moreThis dissertation explores the United Nations' comprehensive approach to managing the Israel-Arab Conflict from 1967 to 1982, presenting a shift from examining peace operations as isolated efforts to viewing them as interconnected elements of a broader peace architecture. It introduces a critical analysis of the roles played by the Office of Special Political Affairs and the Office of Chief Coordinator of Peacekeeping in the Middle East, arguing that these entities were pivotal in forming a cohesive strategy despite the static mandates of individual peace missions. The research spans six chapters, starting with a historical overview of the UN’s peacekeeping framework since 1948, setting the groundwork for understanding the conflict and the evolution of peacekeeping entities. It then delves into Inter-Operation Collaboration (IOC) and the Secretariat’s political maneuvering, highlighting the impact of significant events like the Camp David Accords and the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon. These events marked a shift in focus from state-centric to Israeli-Palestinian issues, challenging the UN’s influence. The conclusion assesses the UN’s role in shaping the diplomatic and security landscape of the region, underlining the organization's contributions and limitations in fostering peace and stability amidst a complex geopolitical scenario. This research offers valuable insights into the dynamics of UN peacekeeping operations in regional conflicts. Show less
This dissertation examines the continued, yet hitherto overlooked, engagement of the Greek community in Egypt from the period after the en masse departure of most of its members (1962), until the... Show moreThis dissertation examines the continued, yet hitherto overlooked, engagement of the Greek community in Egypt from the period after the en masse departure of most of its members (1962), until the implementation of the infitāh policies in 1976 by Anwar Sadat. Beyond Departure: The Greeks in Egypt, 1962-1976 explores the Greeks’ multiple personal, local and institutional histories that make up the Greek presence in history after 1962. It reveales the diversity of Greek experiences based on geographical, socioeconomic and individual context. It analyzes the motivations and strategies they employed to respond to the economic and social changes in Egyptian society, such as the end of the Capitulations, WWI and WWII, the formation of the post-colonial state, and the 1961 Nationalization laws, among others, and the relations these events formed between Egyptian nationals and non nationals and the Egyptian state. It also explores how Greeks negotiated their presence, identity and feelings of belonging, in mind and practice, as a diaspora with a transnational agency. Show less
This article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event... Show moreThis article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event: the student occupation of the American University of Beirut one year before the start of the Lebanese civil war. The use of improvised reenactment, testimonials and the voiceover all strengthen the film’s approach to the event as an embodied transformative experience, even as it descends into its defeat. While a cynical spectator might argue that the focus on “revolutionary becoming” reduces collective action to individual experience, the article argues that it is precisely this affective and embodied approach that allows the film to resonate with other times and places and to evoke a speculative state of agitation beyond closed narratives of defeat.Cet article analyse les techniques narratives innovatrices utilisées dans le film «74 (La reconstitution d’une lutte)» de Rania et Raed Rafei (2012). Le film présente, comme son nom l’indique, une reconstitution d’un événement historique: l’occupation de l’Université Américaine à Beyrouth, par le mouvement étudiant, un an avant le début de la guerre civile libanaise. L’utilisation de reconstitutions improvisées, de témoignages offerts face à la camera, et de voice-over, renforcent la démarche du film envers l’événement en tant qu’expérience incarnée transformatrice, même lorsqu’il dégénère vers sa défaite. S’il est vrai qu’un spectateur cynique pourrait soutenir que « le devenir révolutionnaire » réduit la lutte collective à l’expérience individuelle, cet article soutient que c’est précisément cette approche affective et incarnée qui permet au film de résonner en d’autres temps et lieux, ainsi que d’évoquer un état d’agitation spéculatif au-delà des récits cloisonnés de la défaite. Show less
El Ouahi, J.; Robinson-García, N.; Costas Comesana, R. 2021
The invasion of Iran by the Great powers (the Soviet Union and the Great Britain) in 1941 not only changed the political setting of the Iranian government but also led to the exile of Reza Shah,... Show moreThe invasion of Iran by the Great powers (the Soviet Union and the Great Britain) in 1941 not only changed the political setting of the Iranian government but also led to the exile of Reza Shah, the leader of the Iranian autocratic regime. Although the presence of the Great Powers gave more power to the Iranian parliament, but it also split Iranian society into various adversarial factions. In the period from 1941 to 1946, some ethnic groups prepared to establish their own governments, which led to the break up of relationships between the Iranian central government and the representatives of ethnic groups in their respective provinces, including the region of the Kurds and Azeris. Besides the presence and policies of Great Powers in Iran, the unfolding of the Iranian Crisis and the formation of two Kurdish political parties, there were a number of other factors that influenced the events leading to the establishment of the Kurdish government. Among these were the emergence of nation-states in the Middle East following the First World War, the after-effects of Reza Shah’s autocratic regime, and the establishment of the Azeri autonomous government. This dissertation takes a close look at the developments leading to the formation and the overthrow of the Kurdish government of 1946, which at times called itself the Republic of Kurdistan. Show less
In this article Bayat challenges the widespread assumption that Islam is incompatible with democracy and argues that analysis should focus instead on the conditions in which Muslims can make Islam... Show moreIn this article Bayat challenges the widespread assumption that Islam is incompatible with democracy and argues that analysis should focus instead on the conditions in which Muslims can make Islam embrace democratic ethos. Detailing the different trajectories of Iran and Egypt, the article concludes that the extent to which Muslim citizens gain the skill and spirit to assert collective will, in spite of constraints—that is, master the art of presence—proves crucial in the road towards democratic polity. Show less
The Middle East is currently saturated with talk about “change.” Yet, the resiliency of authoritarianism and patriarchy in the region coupled with the evident failure of “democratization”-by... Show moreThe Middle East is currently saturated with talk about “change.” Yet, the resiliency of authoritarianism and patriarchy in the region coupled with the evident failure of “democratization”-by-conquest have plunged this part of the world into a depressing impasse. The region’s Muslim majority is caught up between, on the one hand, authoritarian regimes or fundamentalist inspired opposition, both of which tend to impose severe social control in the name of nation and religion, and on the other, flagrant foreign intervention and occupation in the name of democratization. We witness, then, a clear abuse of faith, freedom, and the faithful. In the midst of this, however, one thing has become clearer. If a meaningful change is to occur in these societies it should come from within, through the self-assertion of societal forces in a democratic direction. But the monumental question is how? Show less
The image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men... Show moreThe image of the Middle East projected in current public discourses is one imbued with religion. Media consumers would be forgiven for assuming that the region consists of angry bearded men prostrating themselves in prayer when not shaking their fists and burning American flags, and shadowy women with headscarves or chadors. The region is 'the Islamic world', religion stamped on every aspect of its life and function. The 'clash of civilizations' idea, much criticized, remains a potent notion both in the West and in Muslim circles. A mythical totalized 'Muslim world' is opposed to an equally mythical unified 'West', with religion as the essence of the former and the main key to its politics and society. Show less
The 1979 Iranian revolution ended up in a theocratic regime that mobilized an important part of urban youth for both the war against Iraq and the realization of a utopian Islam. Two decades later,... Show moreThe 1979 Iranian revolution ended up in a theocratic regime that mobilized an important part of urban youth for both the war against Iraq and the realization of a utopian Islam. Two decades later, a new type of cultural-political movement, with democratic tendencies, is emerging and is founded mainly on three groups: intellectuals, university students, and women. Show less
Abu l-Huda was born in a small village on the margins of the northern Syrian desert in 1850 into a family of humble origins. In his early childhood, he was initiated into the Rifaciyya order, which... Show moreAbu l-Huda was born in a small village on the margins of the northern Syrian desert in 1850 into a family of humble origins. In his early childhood, he was initiated into the Rifaciyya order, which is still widely spread today in the rural areas of Syria and Iraq. He was quick to develop substantial contacts with Rifaci sheiks in Aleppo, who dominated certain important posts in the city. In 1874, he became the naqib ala shraf (scion of the descendants of the prophets) there at a strikingly young age. In the following years, he managed to overcome several severe setbacks to his career and finally established himself in the entourage of the new Sultan Abdlhamid II, whose accession to the throne marked the end of the tanzimat, a period of wide-ranging administrative reforms in Ottoman history. Show less
The indignity of American Christians who conveniently drop from their memory tales of oppression experienced by their Palestinian Christian compatriots is striking. The term 'conveniently' may be... Show moreThe indignity of American Christians who conveniently drop from their memory tales of oppression experienced by their Palestinian Christian compatriots is striking. The term 'conveniently' may be explained by the following unforgettable experience: I once engaged in a conversation with an Anglo-Christian missionary on a bus trip from Bethlehem to Jerusalem prior to the 1967 War. As a Christian born in Bethlehem, I expressed how privileged I felt to proclaim the honour of my birth place. Gasping with a subdued expression, the missionary muttered: 'And when exactly did you convert to Christianity?' Show less
At all four corners of the earth: the Balkans (Kosovo, Bosnia), Indonesia (Moluccas, East-Timor), Africa (Sudan), as well as the Holy Land (Nazareth), Islam and Christianity seem to be in a... Show moreAt all four corners of the earth: the Balkans (Kosovo, Bosnia), Indonesia (Moluccas, East-Timor), Africa (Sudan), as well as the Holy Land (Nazareth), Islam and Christianity seem to be in a position of mutual rejection. Hence, the representation, which currently prevails over Europe, of a perpetual conflict. However, this vision maintained by events that indeed highlight religious conflicts, remains in a state of partiality and partialness. We thus see Islam reigning undivided over the societies south of the Mediterranean, all the while forgetting that in the Arab world as well as in Turkey, religious uniformity - currently the norm - does not date back to the beginning of time. Between the 7th century, which witnessed the warriors of Islam leaving Arabia, and the preceding century, the relationship between the two religions was not just conflictual. On more than one occasion and in more than one place Christianity would come to know unexpected recoveries. Show less
What will be the face of Islam in the twenty-first century? A preoccupation with the future is always acute at the turning of a century, still more so at the turning of a millennium. The... Show moreWhat will be the face of Islam in the twenty-first century? A preoccupation with the future is always acute at the turning of a century, still more so at the turning of a millennium. The speculation about world futures, from the optimistic 'Endism' of Francis Fukuyama to the pessimistic 'Clash of Civilizations' of Samuel Huntington, is already well under way in the West. Show less
