Guinée was the only French colony that, bravely or foolishly, refused a close collaboration with France at the time of its independence. This choice was a political shock on an international scale.... Show moreGuinée was the only French colony that, bravely or foolishly, refused a close collaboration with France at the time of its independence. This choice was a political shock on an international scale. The famous “Non!” by Guinée’s leader Sékou Touré marked the beginning of a socialist era in which the regime slowly developed into a dictatorship on the one hand, but on the other hand became an internationally regarded leading voice in the global struggle for decolonization. Stamps from the first years after Guinée’s independence in 1958 do not strongly attest to any political fervor inspired by the “Non!” It is argued that Guinée’s stamps of the years after independence feature the country’s first steps in the international world order and illustrate the country’s search for a respected position in international politics. A comparison with neighboring state Mali shows, however, that Guinée’s stamps do actively attest to the governments’ national and international political concerns. Show less
This PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer... Show moreThis PhD investigates the development of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, with a particular focus on the distinction between terrorism and insurgency. The findings have been published in five peer-reviewed articles, and are joined by an introductory framework and a concluding chapter. The scene-setter contextualizes the problem of terrorism in Mali, describes the fragmented landscape of jihadist groups, analyzes how Tuareg separatism led to AQIM's control of northern Mali, and illustrates how shortcomings in national and local governance fueled insecurity. The second conceptual article analyzed whether AQIM should be regarded as terrorism, insurgency or organized crime, and concluded that - at the time of writing (2016) - most indicators pointed to the group following a strategy of terrorism. A treatise on methodology investigated the discrepancy between the international community's perception of Mali pre-2012 as a stable 'posterboy for democracy', while it was Mali that suffered a near-complete collapse in 2012. It concluded that a quantitative risk approach, rather than a qualitative threat approach, contributed to this misperception. The fourth article applied the first trinity from Clausewitz’s opus On War to Operation Serval, the French military operation to oust AQIM from northern Mali in 2013. Clear political goals, contingency planning, an audacious military operation combined with luck all helped France secure an initial victory against AQIM. The final article focused on potential pathways for AQIM to end, and concluded that in 2021 AQIM followed a strategy of insurgency, while much of the international response remained rooted in the paradigm of counterterrorism. Show less
In the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew... Show moreIn the past years, Mali has experienced an unprecedented rise in terrorism. After twenty years of relative peace, the country was shaken to its core in 2012 when a Tuareg-led rebellion overthrew the government and the northern parts of the country quickly turned into a safe haven for terrorist groups including Al Qaeda and - in later years - the Islamic State. From 2012 to 2022, a country that was once considered a prime example of African democracy, has been faced with a rapidly downward cycle in terms of stability and security. In the past three years alone, the military staged two coups and Mali is now ruled by a military regime. Two major military and political interventions by the French, operations Serval and Barkhane, the multiple efforts of ECOWAS, and a large UN-mission to the country, MINUSMA, were not able to turn the tide. In a country where it is already a challenge to draw clear lines between the multitude of terrorist, separatist, guerilla and auto-defense groups, it is even more difficult to understand how individuals become involved in terrorist groups. Seeking the answer to that question is the central aim of this study. Based on extensive research among policymakers, prison staff, the international community and those accused and/or sentenced for terrorism, this thesis conducts a multilevel analysis of the process of involvement in terrorism in Mali. The findings suggest that group-level factors including peer pressure, group think, societal tensions and fusion of values were best able to shed light on how individuals become involved with terrorist groups. Especially the relationship between citizens and the state turned out to be an important factor, with prisoners arguing they do not recognize the ruling elite, foreign actors or the borders of the country as they are drawn. With the combination of access to and analysis of unique primary source material, this study offers a nuanced and empirically grounded contribution to the academic and societal debate on terrorism involvement in Mali - with wider implications for the West-African context. While taking into account the inherently subjective nature of narratives, this thesis provides us with a better understanding of why individuals become terrorists given the specific cultural, historical and geographical context within which they have shared their stories. Show less
Zuidberg, Lida; Kortbeek, Simone; Kingma, Koos; Koning, Ans 2020
In 2012 we returned to Southern Mali, where we have worked in the Women and Development programme of the Malian cotton company (CMDT) between 1987 and 1995. We were curious to find out what had... Show moreIn 2012 we returned to Southern Mali, where we have worked in the Women and Development programme of the Malian cotton company (CMDT) between 1987 and 1995. We were curious to find out what had changed for women in the cotton area since 1980. Have women been able to improve their economic position? Are the changes tangible in women’s control of their lives; their social participation; the relationship between men and women or between the generations? The book is a fabric of memories and images of our experiences of the past and our journey in 2012, coloured with perceptions and stories of the people we met. According to the review of Prof. Dr. Wouter van Beek the text does not represent a classic book, but rather a report based on information derived directly from the words of women and men who shared their views and experiences with us. In addition, the book does not only describe the changes in women's lives, but also the role of the CMDT being the largest parastatal in Southern Mali until 2003. Résumé: En 2012 nous sommes retournées au Mali-Sud, où nous avons travaillé dans le programme Femmes et Développement de la Compagnie Malienne pour le Développement des Textiles (CMDT) entre 1987 et 1995. Nous étions curieuses de découvrir ce qui avait changé pour les femmes dans la zone cotonnière depuis 1980. Les femmes ont-elles pu améliorer leur position économique ? Les changements, sont-ils tangibles dans le contrôle de leur vie ; leur participation sociale ; la relation entre hommes et femmes ou entre les générations ? Le livre est un tissu de mémoires et d’images de nos expériences du passé et de notre séjour en 2012, coloré des perceptions et des histoires des gens rencontrés. Selon la revue de Prof. Dr. Wouter van Beek le texte ne représente pas un livre classique, mais plutôt un reportage basé sur des informations dérivées directement des mots des femmes et des hommes qui ont partagé leurs vues et expériences avec nous. De plus, le livre ne traite pas seulement des changements dans la vie des femmes, mais aussi du rôle de la CMDT étant le plus grand parastatal au Mali-Sud jusqu’à 2003. Show less
This study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three... Show moreThis study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three countries in the region,Nigeria, Mali, and Niger. The study focuses in particular on the divergent perceptions of the issue in Europeand West Africa. While, from the point of view of decision-makers in Europe, migration from Sub-SaharanAfrica has grown since the early 2000s from a problem into a crisis, in West Africa, it is seen as a new phasein the region’s difficult history of socio-economic development. The study revisits the ways in which the EU’srelations with the region were, and still are shaped by the migration issue; reviews and discusses the migration policies of ECOWAS in context; analyses the parameters of the migration issue area in Nigeria and Mali, emphasising in particular the historical perspective in which they make sense; discusses the ways in which the EU has sought to influence the policies of these countries in this connection; examines the peculiar case of Niger, a ‘transit country’ transformed into an immigration officer for the EU; and reviews and discussesthe implications for the socio-economic progress of the region and of these three countries. In conclusion,the study emphasises that the EU and West African states have a divergent understanding of what is atstake, with the result that dialogue devolves into ineffective initiatives that reflect both the lack of coherenceand the power – in terms of resources – of the EU position. Recommended measures are suggestedthat may help to establish the balance necessary for dialogue and provide a way out of a questionable – ornon-existent - strategy. Show less
La présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l... Show moreLa présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, et sur les politiques migratoires de trois pays de la région, à savoir le Nigeria, le Mali et le Niger. Elle s’intéresse en particulier aux perceptions divergentes de cette problématique en Europe et en Afrique de l’Ouest. Alors que pour les responsables européens, la migration en provenance d’Afrique subsaharienne s’est transformée depuis le début des années 2000 de simple problème en véritable crise, en Afrique de l’Ouest, elle n’est vue que comme une nouvelle phase dans l’histoire du difficile développement socioéconomique de la région. Cette étude reviendra sur la façon dont les relations qu’entretient l’UE avec l’Afrique de l’Ouest ont été et continuent d’être façonnées par la question migratoire, puis examinera et discutera des politiques migratoires de la CEDEAO dans ce contexte, analysera les paramètres de la question migratoire au Nigeria et au Mali, en insistant tout particulièrement sur la perspective historique dans laquelle ils s’inscrivent, discutera de la façon dont l’UE a cherché à influencer les politiques de ces pays dans ce domaine, examinera le cas particulier du Niger, ‘pays de transit’ devenu agent de l’immigration de l’UE, puis examinera et discutera des implications pour le développement socioéconomique de la région en général, et de ces trois pays en particulier. En conclusion, nous verrons que l’UE et les Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest ayant une vision divergente des enjeux, tout dialogue ne peut produire que des initiatives inefficaces qui reflètent à la fois le manque de cohérence mais aussi la suprématie – en termes de ressources – de la position européenne. Des mesures seront également proposées afin d’aider à rétablir l’équilibre nécessaire à un dialogue et offrir un moyen de sortir d’une stratégie contestable - voire inexistante. Show less
Dogon masks have been famous for a long time-and none more so than the kanaga mask, the so-called croix de Lorraine. A host of interpretations of this particular mask circulate in the literature,... Show moreDogon masks have been famous for a long time-and none more so than the kanaga mask, the so-called croix de Lorraine. A host of interpretations of this particular mask circulate in the literature, ranging from moderately exotic to extremely exotic. This contribution will focus on one particular mask situated within the whole mask troupe, and it will do so in the ritual setting to which it belongs: a second funeral, long after the burial. A description of this ritual shows how the mask troupe forms the constantly moving focus in a captivating ritual serving as second funeral. Thus, the mask rites bridge major divides in Dogon culture, between male and female, between man and nature, and between this world and the supernatural one. They are able to do so because they themselves are in constant motion, between bush and village and between sky and earth. Masks are matter in motion and symbols in context. Within imagistic religions such as the Dogon one, these integrative functions form a major focus of Dogon masks rituals-and hence, to some extent, of African mask rituals in general. In the Dogon case, the ritual creates a virtual reality through a highly embodied performance by the participants themselves. Then, the final question can be broached, that of interpretation. What, in the end, do these masquerades signify? And our kanaga mask, what does it stand for? Show less
The Sahel has gained attention in international politics as one of the central theatres in the war on terrorism. International actors in this war seek alliances with states in the region,... Show moreThe Sahel has gained attention in international politics as one of the central theatres in the war on terrorism. International actors in this war seek alliances with states in the region, reinforcing the latter’s military strength and their legitimacy from outside. At the same time, increasingly-connected young populations question the legitimacy of their states, and contest that legitimacy from within and below. In the absence of states delivering any reasonable form of social contract, young people become torn between different governing orders and find themselves in a liminal space. In this article we present the cases of youth in Mali and Chad, who find themselves in a period of re-definition of their position in society and hence search for legitimate structures representation. In this search they may frame their belonging in terms of ethnicity, religion or political opposition – and increasingly also in adherence to global citizenship. New information flows and connectivity among young people in these regions, and between them and the diaspora, has given a new turn to their search for citizenship/belonging and rightful representation. However, whether their search will be successful in this geopolitical context is questionable. Show less
Een groot deel van de bevolking van Mali, Guinée en Gambia beschouwt zich als afstammelingen van de held Sunjata of van diens helpers. Het verhaal over Sunjata’s daden wordt al eeuwenlang van... Show moreEen groot deel van de bevolking van Mali, Guinée en Gambia beschouwt zich als afstammelingen van de held Sunjata of van diens helpers. Het verhaal over Sunjata’s daden wordt al eeuwenlang van generatie op generatie overgedragen; reeds in de veertiende eeuw hoorde de wereldreiziger Ibn Battuta hoe een griot een vorst bezong als afstammeling van Sunjata. Deze traditie over Sunjata is zodoende een unieke historische bron voor een deel van Afrika waarvoor geschreven bronnen zeer schaars zijn.De hier gepubliceerde versie is het erfgoed van de familie Diabate uit Kela, de griots van de vorsten van Kangaba. Kangaba was een zeer belangrijk politiek centrum in het Mali-rijk dat in de Middeleeuwen grote delen van West-Afrika omvatte. De versie van de familie Diabate uit Kela verweeft op een subtiele manier politieke claims van de vorsten van Kangaba in een zeer onderhoudende vertelling over Sunjata’s leven. Show less
van Beek, een antropoloog uit Utrecht, die nu als hoogleraar antropologie van de religie werkt in Tilburg en aan het Afrika-Studiecentrum in Leiden. Zijn studieterrein is Afrika, vooral Kameroen en... Show morevan Beek, een antropoloog uit Utrecht, die nu als hoogleraar antropologie van de religie werkt in Tilburg en aan het Afrika-Studiecentrum in Leiden. Zijn studieterrein is Afrika, vooral Kameroen en Mali. Deze memoires zien terug op een leven dat bijna een halve eeuw vervlochten is geweest met twee samenlevingen in die landen, de Kapsiki et de Dogon. Het is daaom het relaas van een dubbelleven, zowel in Nederland als in Afrika, maar ook een dubbelleven in twee verschillende Afrikaanse culturen, waar in beide gevallen een intense relatie mee is opgebouwd. Van Beeks Afrikaanse levensverhaal is verweven met deze twee gemeenschappen, hun dagelijkse leven, hun kleine en grote rituelen, en vertelt van smeden, huwelijken en maskers, en van de diepe indruk die hun prachtige begrafenisgezangen op hem maakten. Hier voeden dood en leven elkaar door de indrukwekkende wijze waarop deze mensen een boeiend bestaan weten te realiseren in een moeilijke omgeving. Dit is het Afrika van de dorpsgemeenschap, beleefd en beschreven van binnenuit, een Afrika van gewone mensen die tot ons spreken doordat zij een antropoloog de kans hebben gegeven voor een dubbelleven. Thuis in Afrika is thuiskomen bij onszelf.[2e Gewijzigde druk; oorspronkelijke uitgave: 2015] Show less
La multiplication d'épisodes violents dans le centre du Mali, depuis la moitié de l'année 2015, démontre à quel point la paix reste fragile dans ce pays. La signature des accords pour la paix et l... Show moreLa multiplication d'épisodes violents dans le centre du Mali, depuis la moitié de l'année 2015, démontre à quel point la paix reste fragile dans ce pays. La signature des accords pour la paix et l'amorce d'un processus de réconciliation ont certes marqué une avancée pour le gouvernement, mais la stabilité demeure précaire dans les régions Centre et Nord. En l'absence de l'autorité étatique, des groupes hétéroclites, se réclamant d'un mouvement djihadiste dont ils ignorent même le nom, dictent leur loi et se vengent de leurs adversaires/ennemis dans le centre du Mali. Ainsi dans le Macina, des pasteurs transhumants, ne voulant plus se soumettre aux règles établies par leurs chefs traditionnels (dioros) cautionnées par l'administration pour l'exploitation des pâturages, se sont armés et ont décidé de ne plus payer de taxes pour avoir accès aux bourgous (plantes fourragères). Le djihad apparaît, ainsi, comme une simple option instrumentale en vue d'objectifs autres que la diffusion de la foi rigoriste. ABSTRACT: Is the Mali Centre an epicenter of djihadism? The proliferation of violent episodes in the center of Mali since the middle of 2015, shows how fragile peace is in the country. The signing of peace agreements and the beginning of a reconciliation process certainly marks a step forward for the government, but stability remains fragile in the Centre and North. In the absence of state authority, disparate groups claiming a jihadist movement whose name they do not even know, dictate law and take revenge of their opponents / enemies in central Mali. Thus, in the Macina, transhumant pastoralists, not wanting to submit to the rules established by their traditional leaders (dioros) guaranteed by the administration for the exploitation of pastures, armed themselves and decided not to pay taxes for access to bourgous (forage crops). They are considered to be jihadists. Jihad thus appears as a simple instrumental option for objectives other than the dissemination of rigorous faith. Show less
The Arab Spring raised high expectations for political freedom, especially for situations in which the rapid development of ICT intersects with political oppression and rebellion, as was the case... Show moreThe Arab Spring raised high expectations for political freedom, especially for situations in which the rapid development of ICT intersects with political oppression and rebellion, as was the case in Mali, West Africa. In 2012 the country’s northern part fell into the hands of ‘rebels’ and jihadists were on the rise. This article tries to understand the development of political agency in relation to the unprecedented access to new ICT of the Fulani nomads and urbanites in the Mopti region (Hayre), who engage increasingly with new actors and networks present in the war zone: ‘rebels’ and jihadists; the diaspora from that region; and the journalistic and academic communities who visit the region. We argue that political agency is emerging in the relation between (newly appearing) information networks in both the on- and off-line worlds. These networked societies are embedded in cultural and social historical specificities of the Sudan-Sahel zone in conflict. Show less
Dietz, A.J.; Rutten, M.M.E.M.; Bergh, M. van den; Foeken, D.W.J.; Hees, S.; Hemsteede, R.; ... ; Veldkamp, F. 2014
Ordinary social violence, - i.e. recurrent mental or physical aggression occurring between closely related people - structures social relationships in Africa, and in the world. Studies of violence... Show moreOrdinary social violence, - i.e. recurrent mental or physical aggression occurring between closely related people - structures social relationships in Africa, and in the world. Studies of violence in Africa often refer to ethnic wars and explicit conflicts and do not enter the hidden domain of violence that this book reveals through in-depth anthropological studies from different parts and contexts in Africa. Ordinary violence has its distinctive forms embedded in specific histories and cultures. It is gendered, implicates witchcraft accusations, varies in rural and urban contexts, relates to demographic and socio-economic changes of the past decades and is embedded in the everyday life of many African citizens. The experience of ordinary violence goes beyond the simple notion of victimhood; instead it structures social life and should therefore be a compelling part of the study of social change. Show less
