Spanning Malaysia’s post-independence period and using the repression-mobilization nexus as a key theoretical framework, this study outlines how its Christian community delicately and... Show moreSpanning Malaysia’s post-independence period and using the repression-mobilization nexus as a key theoretical framework, this study outlines how its Christian community delicately and simultaneously defends its religious rights without being construed as anti-Islam in the face of state-led “Islamization”. This study charts the changes in the community's resistance tactics by primarily focusing on the 1980s to the contemporary period while considering subnational differences between East and West Malaysia. It explains why it adopted a non-partisan and non-violent approach despite targeted repression. In outlining the interplay between a minority community’s mobilization and national-level contestation, it focuses especially on the role played by the Christian elites. Additionally, it raises key questions that remain relevant in the study of contentious politics: How do minority communities in semi-democratic contexts protect their rights? What are their options and constraints for resistance? And how do changes in the political environment mould their strategy and resistance tactics? Show less
This interdisciplinary paper shows that investigating community language beliefs, as a pillar of language policy research, can be enriched by the principles of theory of mind. The case study is... Show moreThis interdisciplinary paper shows that investigating community language beliefs, as a pillar of language policy research, can be enriched by the principles of theory of mind. The case study is Malaysia where ethnonationalist law and policy elevates the language and culture of the Muslim Malay majority above those of citizens of Chinese and Indian ethnicity, but where a seismic political shift is underway. The re-election of Dr Mahathir Mohammad as prime minister in May 2018, but now standing for Pakatan Harapan, broke decades of rule by the traditionalist United Malays National Organisation. Promises are being made to bring an end to Malaysia’s race-based politics and foster equality. The situation is ripe for producing contentious and politically-embedded talk in the community about Malaysia’s linguistic diversity and ethnonationalist language policy. In that context, this paper analyses how youths from different ethnic groups feel about Malaysia’s societal multilingualism. However, the innovation is in then soliciting and analysing the hypotheses of these same youths about how their own heritage languages, as well as societal multilingualism and language policy, are perceived by the other ethnic groups. As Malaysia embarks on political change, exploring beliefs in these interethnic multidirectional terms reveals fissures and alignments between beliefs that are articulated by different youths and the beliefs that are attributed to them. This methodological approach can support language policy processes and research by more richly investigating language beliefs and ideological positioning from multidirectional vantage points. Show less
This paper revisits the tension in sociolinguistics between the linguistic capital associated with languages of socioeconomic mobility, and the cultural and identity value of local languages. With... Show moreThis paper revisits the tension in sociolinguistics between the linguistic capital associated with languages of socioeconomic mobility, and the cultural and identity value of local languages. With Malaysia as a case study, the paper shows that although this economy-versus-culture tension may be a go-to ideological paradigm in sociolinguistics for exploring and analyzing ideologies and beliefs vis-à-vis- language acquisition and language policy, it may not necessarily feature as saliently in grassroots perspectives. A series of group interviews was held with Malaysian youths who have experienced their government’s policy backflips on whether mathematics and science are taught in English (or in Bahasa Malaysia or in another medium-of-instruction) in primary and secondary schools. By asking these youths to reflect on their experiences, policy, and what language they would prefer for mathematics and science, the research reveals perspectives that more often fell outside the critical economy-versus-culture ideological continuum. Instead, the youths were sooner concerned with monolingual education facilitating expedited learning, with cognitive ease, and with fostering a consistent policy approach. The findings caution against assuming that economy-versus-culture is a key interest in the community regarding language policy, and encourage us to apply alternate, non-critical theoretical lenses to understand a broader range of bottom-up concerns. Show less
This paper analyses divergence between national language policy on the one hand, and perceptions of it on the other. In ethnocratic Malaysia, language policy codifies the supremacy of Bahasa... Show moreThis paper analyses divergence between national language policy on the one hand, and perceptions of it on the other. In ethnocratic Malaysia, language policy codifies the supremacy of Bahasa Malaysia as part of a broader ethnonationalist policy agenda that pedestalises the ethnic Malays and curtails the rights of Chinese and Indian-Malaysians. A series of 25 folk linguistic group discussions was held with Malay, Chinese, and Indian youth who defined and constructed Malaysia’s national language policy in their own epistemic terms. In a political culture that suppresses public debate about ethnic affairs, their constructions were sooner informed by personal experiences, observations, assumptions, and ideologies mistaken for policy, rather than the content and rationale of language policy established by the state. Malay and Chinese youth appeared the least critically aware of language policy, for ethnonationalist and socioeconomic reasons, respectively, whereas Indian youth attributed policy to Malay hegemony. The findings have broader relevance for language policy researchers. In the face of gaps between policy and perception, analysing whether and how governments communicate language policies with the public – especially in societies where democracy and transparency are not assured – will improve our analyses of language policy as a dynamic societal process. Show less
This paper aimed at investigating the existence of productivity spillovers and their transmission channels in both Kenya and Malaysia firm-level panel data from the manufacturing sector for the... Show moreThis paper aimed at investigating the existence of productivity spillovers and their transmission channels in both Kenya and Malaysia firm-level panel data from the manufacturing sector for the period 2000–2005. Both countries have a long history of relying on FDI in industrial development. The existing literature on productivity spillovers suggests that productivity spillovers may be one of the most important effects that foreign MNEs impart to local firms in developing countries. Yet still, few studies exist in both countries on productivity spillovers and their transmission channels. Three spillover channels were examined: demonstration, competition, and information. In addition, the backward linkage channel was examined for the case of Malaysia. The results reveal that there is limited evidence of negative productivity spillovers from foreign firms to domestic firms through the competition effects in Kenya. In Malaysia, there is evidence of positive spillovers from foreign-owned firms to domestic firms through the demonstration effects. In addition, there is evidence of negative spillovers through the competition effects as well as backward linkages. There is also evidence of positive productivity spillovers from domestic firms to foreign-owned firms through backward linkages. Productivity spillovers are found to be dependent on the technology gap. Show less
Mollusca form an important animal phylum that first appeared in the Cambrian, and today is,after Arthropoda, the second largest animal phylum, with more than 100,000 extant species(Bieler, 1992,... Show moreMollusca form an important animal phylum that first appeared in the Cambrian, and today is,after Arthropoda, the second largest animal phylum, with more than 100,000 extant species(Bieler, 1992, Brusca and Brusca, 2003), with the class Gastropoda accounting for 80% of the extant species in the Mollusca. Despite its species-richness, a generalised gastropod shell architecture is maintained because of conserved developmental processes. All of the shelled gastropods grow by adding, in a unidirectional accretionary way, shell material with the mantle edge organ, usually at different deposition rates around the existing aperture. This shell ontogeny, or to be more specific aperture ontogeny, gives the general spiral form for the shells. However, spiral forms can vary when there are changes in any one of the aspects in the aperture ontogeny profiles, namely, the rate and direction of shell deposition around the aperture, size and shape of the aperture (i.e. mantle edge), and the total length of the shell ontogeny processes. The interplays between these developmental parameters have generated a great diversity in shell form, for which taxonomists and evolutionary biologist are now trying to accurately characterise and to understand with regard to its evolution.This thesis reveals several hitherto unknown aspects of Plectostoma shell forms,in terms of the developmental homology, the aperture ontogeny profile, anti-predation functionality, and evolutionary pattern in shell characters and ontogenetic morphospace evolution. In fact, these are the issues that have been targeted by biologists for centuries in order to improve the way shell shape is characterised and to improve understanding of shell form evolution. Show less
Since the 1990s, the number of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) has grown rapidly worldwide. NHRIs are widely believed to be able to contribute to the realisation of human rights, by... Show moreSince the 1990s, the number of National Human Rights Institutions (NHRIs) has grown rapidly worldwide. NHRIs are widely believed to be able to contribute to the realisation of human rights, by embedding international norms in domestic structures. Promoting Human Rights: National Human Rights Commissions in Indonesia and Malaysia addresses this issue by a comparative analysis of two NHRIs in Southeast Asia. It traces the development of both organisations since their inception, as well as their performance and effectiveness in three case studies regarding the freedom of religion, the right to a fair trial and the right to adequate housing. It reveals that the manner in which NHRIs address human rights issues differs between categories of rights, and that the promotion of international human rights standards is often hampered by the contestation of these norms, both within and outside of the organisation. At the same time, this study highlights some of the contributions the NHRIs have made to the realisation of human rights in challenging circumstances. The author therefore argues that NHRIs play a crucial role in making human rights an integral part of both the state and society. Show less
This book examines the causes of observed reversal of fortunes between Sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia in the last 50 years. Specifically, it compares Kenya and Malaysia which 50 years ago... Show moreThis book examines the causes of observed reversal of fortunes between Sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia in the last 50 years. Specifically, it compares Kenya and Malaysia which 50 years ago were arguably at similar levels of development. Today, Malaysia is an industrialised country while Kenya has stagnated economically. It finds itself in an awkward position, where it has to learn from Malaysia’s industrial experience as it aspires to industrialise by the year 2030. The book also examines how foreign direct investment can be attracted and used to spur industrial development and provides important lessons for developing countries Show less
Since the colonial era, Chinese businesses in Malaysia have adapted to economic and political changes by evolving from tin-mining and rubber cultivation to commodity production, banking and finance... Show moreSince the colonial era, Chinese businesses in Malaysia have adapted to economic and political changes by evolving from tin-mining and rubber cultivation to commodity production, banking and finance, construction and property development, and industrial and advanced technology manufacturing. Simultaneously, intra-ethnic and Chinese family businesses have evolved into inter-ethnic and plural enterprises in order to adapt to government policies that favour indigenous people. With the onslaught of globalisation, Chinese entrepreneurs have transformed anew, proving once again that Chinese entrepreneurship is not static but dynamic. Show less
In Malaysia, legal definitions of the religious category “Muslim” and ethnic category “Malay” imply each other. Consequently, Muslims who have renounced Islam find themselves in an abyssal legal... Show moreIn Malaysia, legal definitions of the religious category “Muslim” and ethnic category “Malay” imply each other. Consequently, Muslims who have renounced Islam find themselves in an abyssal legal zone. The legal intricacies and the media representations surrounding apostasy reveal tensions between “the secular” and “the religious,” thereby providing insight into the imbalanced and bifurcated nature of civil society in Malaysia. Show less
A young student wearing ripped jeans, with long hair and an earring, was called on by a group of people wearing long flowing robes while he was having dinner at a food stall in a street of... Show moreA young student wearing ripped jeans, with long hair and an earring, was called on by a group of people wearing long flowing robes while he was having dinner at a food stall in a street of Yogyakarta. The group of people harassed him and forced him to leave his food. They accused him of being the troublemaker of the crisis and disaster facing Indonesia today. This situation occurred at the beginning of August 2000, when the first national congress of mujahidin was to be held on the re-establishment of the sharica in Indonesia. Show less
When Anwar Ibrahim was sacked from the government and the ruling party at the beginning of September 1998, the reason given by Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad for his drastic action was Anwar’s ... Show moreWhen Anwar Ibrahim was sacked from the government and the ruling party at the beginning of September 1998, the reason given by Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad for his drastic action was Anwar’s ‘low morals’ Anwar was allegedly guilty of sexual misconduct, including sodomy. Mahathir and his lieutenants were convinced that as soon as the former Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy UMNO President was put on trial, the truth would become obvious to everyone and his massive support among the Malaysian people would decline rapidly. Show less
One major issue in the current programme of Islamization in Malaysia is the construction of Islamic institutional infrastructures in new growth centres.In Bandar Baru Bangi, a new town close to... Show moreOne major issue in the current programme of Islamization in Malaysia is the construction of Islamic institutional infrastructures in new growth centres.In Bandar Baru Bangi, a new town close to Kuala Lumpur, both the State and its Muslim residents address the issue by building mosques and surau (communal prayer places). Outstanding as an Islamic symbol and sanctuary in the town is not a mosque, but rather a surau that is endowed with vast human and financial resources mobilized through grassroots operations, upon which it continues to function. The growth of mosques and surau, and differences in their identities in Bandar Baru Bangi, may not represent typical trends in Malaysia, but they do reveal the on-going competition between State and society to promote the Islamization cause. Show less
