This article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event... Show moreThis article analyses how innovative narrative techniques operate in the movie 74 (The Reconstitution of a Struggle) by Rania and Raed Rafei (2012). The film is a reenactment of an historical event: the student occupation of the American University of Beirut one year before the start of the Lebanese civil war. The use of improvised reenactment, testimonials and the voiceover all strengthen the film’s approach to the event as an embodied transformative experience, even as it descends into its defeat. While a cynical spectator might argue that the focus on “revolutionary becoming” reduces collective action to individual experience, the article argues that it is precisely this affective and embodied approach that allows the film to resonate with other times and places and to evoke a speculative state of agitation beyond closed narratives of defeat.Cet article analyse les techniques narratives innovatrices utilisées dans le film «74 (La reconstitution d’une lutte)» de Rania et Raed Rafei (2012). Le film présente, comme son nom l’indique, une reconstitution d’un événement historique: l’occupation de l’Université Américaine à Beyrouth, par le mouvement étudiant, un an avant le début de la guerre civile libanaise. L’utilisation de reconstitutions improvisées, de témoignages offerts face à la camera, et de voice-over, renforcent la démarche du film envers l’événement en tant qu’expérience incarnée transformatrice, même lorsqu’il dégénère vers sa défaite. S’il est vrai qu’un spectateur cynique pourrait soutenir que « le devenir révolutionnaire » réduit la lutte collective à l’expérience individuelle, cet article soutient que c’est précisément cette approche affective et incarnée qui permet au film de résonner en d’autres temps et lieux, ainsi que d’évoquer un état d’agitation spéculatif au-delà des récits cloisonnés de la défaite. Show less
Before 1936, musical practices in Palestine relied heavily on colloquial poetry, especially in rural communities, which constituted most of the population. During the first half of the twentieth... Show moreBefore 1936, musical practices in Palestine relied heavily on colloquial poetry, especially in rural communities, which constituted most of the population. During the first half of the twentieth century, Palestinian music evolved as a reflection of the social, cultural, and political evolution of Palestinians. Palestinian music-making evolved exponentially resulting in the expansion of various folk tunes into shaʿbī songs, the creation of the Palestinian qaṣīda song genre, new compositions of instrumental music for traditional and Western music formations, the establishment of choirs and children music programing, and active engagement in composing in the styles of the dominant Egyptian genres of the time as well as muwashshaḥāt.In 1948, the vast majority of Palestinians were displaced, and musicians found themselves at the frontier of implementing new political and cultural visions in the countries of Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq. Therefore, the continuation of the musical narrative in the West Bank did not seem attainable. By the early 1950s, Palestinian musicians and intellectuals developed a vocabulary that reflected the topography, scenery, culture, dialects, and history of al-Mashriq, one that is independent of Egypt’s. Their input, intuition, experience, and convictions of various Palestinian musicians helped to make the music scene in Lebanon, Iraq, and Jordan what they are today. Show less
This article analyses how the film essay Taste of Cement by Ziad Kalthoum portrays Syrian construction labourers in Lebanon. It shows that the film’s evocation of sensory experience makes two... Show moreThis article analyses how the film essay Taste of Cement by Ziad Kalthoum portrays Syrian construction labourers in Lebanon. It shows that the film’s evocation of sensory experience makes two important contributions to the way we conceive of cities in general, and of post-civil war Beirut in particular. First, Taste of Cement succeeds in representing the workers as subaltern subjects without participating in their erasure. Second, the film presents a view that I call “oscillating urbanism,” thus challenging conventional narratives of (post-)conflict cities. Show less
The main aim of this chapter is to conceptualise the conflict between states and non-state armed groups in the Middle East. It begins by tracing the colonial origin of the distinction between state... Show moreThe main aim of this chapter is to conceptualise the conflict between states and non-state armed groups in the Middle East. It begins by tracing the colonial origin of the distinction between state and non-state violence, the emergence of counterinsurgency and its reincarnation in liberal interventions. It then considers the politics of demarcation of legitimate and illegitimate violence and its centrality in the scramble among local and international state and non-state actors to control the Middle East. The chapter analyses the effects of both physical violence and ideological confrontation in the origins and consequences of political violence in the Middle East. It finally illustrates these dynamics by analysing the concerted international and Lebanese campaign to destroy Hezbollah and the resilience of Hezbollah to withstand such enormous pressure and become stronger as a result. Show less
Studies of conflicts involving the use of surrogates focus largely on states, viewing the relationship between sponsors and proxies primarily as one in which states utilize nonstate actors as... Show moreStudies of conflicts involving the use of surrogates focus largely on states, viewing the relationship between sponsors and proxies primarily as one in which states utilize nonstate actors as proxies. They have devoted far less attention to sponsor-proxy arrangements in which nonstate actors play super-ordinate roles as sponsors in their own right. Why and how do nonstate actors sponsor proxies? Unlike state sponsors, which value proxies primarily for their military utility, nonstate sponsors select and utilize proxies mainly for their perceived political value. Simply put, states tend to sponsor military surrogates, whereas nonstate actors sponsor political ancillaries. Both endogenous actor-based traits and exogenous structural constraints account for these different approaches. An analysis of three case studies of nonstate sponsors that differ in terms of ideology and capacity—al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, the People's Protection Units in Syria, and Hezbollah in Lebanon—confirms this argument, but also suggests that the ability and desire to control proxies varies with the sponsor's capacity. High-capacity nonstate sponsors such as Hezbollah behave similarly to state sponsors, but remain exceptional. Most nonstate sponsors are less dominant, rendering the relationships to their proxies more transactional and pragmatic, and ultimately less enduring than those of state sponsors and their clients. Show less
Israeli bombs completely destroyed Beirut’s neighbourhood Haret Hreik in the summer of 2006. Because Hizbullah’s headquarters is located in the neighbourhood, Israeli war planners considered its... Show moreIsraeli bombs completely destroyed Beirut’s neighbourhood Haret Hreik in the summer of 2006. Because Hizbullah’s headquarters is located in the neighbourhood, Israeli war planners considered its destruction of particular symbolic and strategic relevance. For the same reasons, authority of reconstruction carried heightened symbolism and led to contestation between the central government and Hizbullah. In the intersection of these two powerful actors there remains little room for local residents to have a voice in the re-organization of their living spaces. Show less
In the southern suburb of Beirut (al-Dahiya), away from mainstream tourism avenues privileged by the post-war reconstruction agendas of Lebanese entrepreneurs and elites, alternative forms of... Show moreIn the southern suburb of Beirut (al-Dahiya), away from mainstream tourism avenues privileged by the post-war reconstruction agendas of Lebanese entrepreneurs and elites, alternative forms of entertainment have been developing for specific types of constituencies. Fifteen years after the organization of the “Islamic sphere,” under Hizbullah’s umbrella, into financial, political and social networks, new places providing the pious with popular culture services have been multiplying in al-Dahiya. “Al-Saha” belongs to this world of pious entertainment and forms an interesting casestudy for understanding the cultural features of the Islamic sphere in Lebanon. Show less
Lebanon has a thriving and diverse reproductive medical sector: procedures are practised that have aroused much ethical controversy, such as those using donor eggs and sperm. Sunni ulama have... Show moreLebanon has a thriving and diverse reproductive medical sector: procedures are practised that have aroused much ethical controversy, such as those using donor eggs and sperm. Sunni ulama have reached a broad consensus on these matters, and do not allow donor procedures. However, Shiite opinion remains diverse: some Shiite authorities allow their followers these controversial treatments, but have evolved concomitant rulings that entail surprising new patterns of kinship relations. Show less
Among Shia Muslims in Lebanon, piety has become a central marker of modernity. The author argues that, perhaps unexpectedly, it is women who are allotted the greater responsibility of representing... Show moreAmong Shia Muslims in Lebanon, piety has become a central marker of modernity. The author argues that, perhaps unexpectedly, it is women who are allotted the greater responsibility of representing modernity in all its dimensions, including the material. As part of their mandate to represent and facilitate their community’s progress, pious Shia women are encouraged to move into public roles and spaces. These processes demonstrate the coming together of the material and spiritual domains as well as the transformation and partial blurring of gender divides. Show less
Middle class youth are emerging as an oppositional force in Lebanon. Somewhat aware of their past and tired of their present, the youth desperately want to forge their own future. Hundreds of young... Show moreMiddle class youth are emerging as an oppositional force in Lebanon. Somewhat aware of their past and tired of their present, the youth desperately want to forge their own future. Hundreds of young people, most under 25, camped out in a tent city in Beirut in an attempt to influence the course of political change in Lebanon. Show less
During Ramadan afternoons in al-dahiyya al-junubiyya, the southern suburbs of Beirut, while most people are rushing through traffic to arrive home before iftar, a bustle of activity fills a... Show moreDuring Ramadan afternoons in al-dahiyya al-junubiyya, the southern suburbs of Beirut, while most people are rushing through traffic to arrive home before iftar, a bustle of activity fills a warehouse on a prominent street corner. A crowd of over one hundred people waits impatiently on one side of the building. On the other side, separated by a colourfully wallpapered partition, fifteen well-dressed women volunteers rush around filling plastic containers with food and packing them into bags along with bread, soda, vegetables, and sweets. At a table along the partition's edge, two volunteers hand these bags to those in the waiting crowd. Another table is occupied by several wealthy donors, sitting with two more volunteers, who entertain them while keeping track of the many children rushing around trying to help. This is the scene one hour before sunset during Ramadan at the food distribution centre of the Social Advancement Association (SAA). Show less
By going through this wonderful website, I saw myself walking the street of my village long time ago with my cousins. That was the best time of my life.' 'It gives me a big pleasure to belong to... Show moreBy going through this wonderful website, I saw myself walking the street of my village long time ago with my cousins. That was the best time of my life.' 'It gives me a big pleasure to belong to the big family of Joun. I will always have the wonderful days in my memory and my heart that I spent in this dear village. These memories I will pass on to my children and grandchildren.' 'Proud to be a Jouni. It is a wonderful page that reminds me of my village.' These are a few comments found in the visitors book of the homepage of a Lebanese village called Joun (http://joun.leb.net). Show less
The civil war in Lebanon is over. Sectarianism is not. This simple observation should make all scholars who analyse sectarianism (or communalism) pause and reflect on the nature of the problem that... Show moreThe civil war in Lebanon is over. Sectarianism is not. This simple observation should make all scholars who analyse sectarianism (or communalism) pause and reflect on the nature of the problem that they are so often called upon to explain. In Lebanon and elsewhere - in India, Indonesia, the Philippines, and the Balkans - religious violence and sectarian political discourse have not diminished in the modern world, and in fact, in many instances have been exacerbated in it. Show less
Most recent scholarly publications on and interests in political Islam in Lebanon cover primarily Hizbullah, the leading fundamentalist movement in Lebanon. A number of smaller movements, in... Show moreMost recent scholarly publications on and interests in political Islam in Lebanon cover primarily Hizbullah, the leading fundamentalist movement in Lebanon. A number of smaller movements, in particular within the Sunni community, have attracted less attention. Like their Shi'ite counterparts, most of these groups surfaced during the war years, in particular after the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. Show less
