Er zijn vijf modellen voor de relatie tussen staat en religie. Deze zijn: 1) Politieke atheïsme; 2) Politieke agnosticisme; 3) Multiculturalisme; 4) Staatskerk en 5) Theocratie. Het model van het... Show moreEr zijn vijf modellen voor de relatie tussen staat en religie. Deze zijn: 1) Politieke atheïsme; 2) Politieke agnosticisme; 3) Multiculturalisme; 4) Staatskerk en 5) Theocratie. Het model van het politieke agnosticisme staat voor de behandeling van - of negeren van - alle religies en niet-religies op gelijke voet: de staat neemt uit principe geen standpunt in vóór of tegen religie en (on)gelovigen. Multiculturalisme, daarentegen, richt zich op een positieve behandeling van minderheden. Het proefschrift richt zich op het tweede model, multiculturalisme, en op het vijfde model, theocratie. De onderzoeksvraag is: wat zijn de implicaties van de politieke ideologieën van het multiculturalisme en Islamitisch fundamentalisme? En, meer in het bijzonder, wat is de verhouding tussen deze ideologieën als het gaat om het debat over de legitimiteit van Shariaraden in het Verenigd Koninkrijk? Show less
The corpus of the Ottoman Turkish literary utopias is little known. It has not received its due share of attention in Ottoman Turkish literary history, and many works of this kind have sunken... Show moreThe corpus of the Ottoman Turkish literary utopias is little known. It has not received its due share of attention in Ottoman Turkish literary history, and many works of this kind have sunken into oblivion. The present dissertation aims at unearthing these works and at performing a comprehensive examination of this corpus which furnishes valuable insight into the Ottoman Turkish political, cultural, and literary history in the 19th and 20th centuries. It also demonstrates that the Balkan War of 1912-1913 represents a significant rupture in the trajectory of this literature. This dissertation argues that the catastrophic defeat suffered by the Ottomans in the Balkan War, along with its tragic consequences, produced profound shock and trauma in the Ottoman Turkish public and intelligentsia. The state’s teetering on the brink of collapse transformed and radicalized political and ideological positions on the country’s future. At the same time, this extreme setback transformed literature as well, assigning to it the mission of narrativizing this trauma and envisioning a future for Turkey. Accordingly, in the period following the Balkan War, many utopian works were produced in Ottoman Turkish literature, and some of these works have been helpful in the creation of new categories of identity. Show less
Professor Lila Abu-Lughod delivered the ISIM Annual Lecture on 17 December 2004 at the Spiegelzaal, Utrecht University. She analyzed media portrayals of Islamism and religious extremism in popular... Show moreProfessor Lila Abu-Lughod delivered the ISIM Annual Lecture on 17 December 2004 at the Spiegelzaal, Utrecht University. She analyzed media portrayals of Islamism and religious extremism in popular Egyptian television dramatic serials and suggested that new media representations of Islamists, and the debates they sparked nationally, have contributed to reconfigurations of current notions of “religion” and “nation.” Below is an abridged version of her lecture. Show less
On 26 April 2005 Asef Bayat presented his inaugural lecture at Leiden University entitled, “Islam and Democracy: Perverse Charm of an Irrelevant Question,” presented here in extracted form. He... Show moreOn 26 April 2005 Asef Bayat presented his inaugural lecture at Leiden University entitled, “Islam and Democracy: Perverse Charm of an Irrelevant Question,” presented here in extracted form. He posits that Islamist movements in Muslim societies are undergoing a post-Islamist turn characterized by rights instead of duties, plurality in place of a singular authoritative voice, historicity rather than fixed scriptures, and the future instead of the past. The full text of the lecture will be available through ISIM and Leiden University. Show less
Islamism and nationalism are conventionally thought of as antithetical ideologies, yet there is in fact often a nationalistic dimension to Islamism. One is reminded of the relationship between... Show moreIslamism and nationalism are conventionally thought of as antithetical ideologies, yet there is in fact often a nationalistic dimension to Islamism. One is reminded of the relationship between Marxism and nationalism. In principle, Marxists condemn nationalism, as do Islamists. Yet the revolutions waged in the name of Marxist ideology since World War II were all fuelled by nationalistic resentment of foreign domination. Such resentment, among other things, also fuelled the principal Islamist movements of the late 20th century. In both cases, an ostensibly universalistic ideology has actually often had a more parochial nationalistic character in practice. Show less
By the year 2000, Islamism will be approximately a quarter of a century old. This movement, though it claimed deep roots, surfaced and flourished with the major social breakdown which took place in... Show moreBy the year 2000, Islamism will be approximately a quarter of a century old. This movement, though it claimed deep roots, surfaced and flourished with the major social breakdown which took place in the mid 1970s in the Muslim world. Twenty-five years later, social sciences - provided they take stock - have the opportunity to make a significant breakthrough in the analyses of what was one of the most puzzling - if unexpected - social phenomena of the contemporary period. Show less
