There are many publications dealing with the political career of Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), who transformed the political landscape of Iran and the Middle East after the Islamic Revolution of... Show moreThere are many publications dealing with the political career of Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), who transformed the political landscape of Iran and the Middle East after the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Most of the research conducted in the West is on Khomeini’s political strategies, while the influential role of mysticism in all facets of his life is ignored. This book is the first study examining Khomeini’s poetry, mysticism and the reception of his poetry both in Iran and the West. It investigates how Khomeini integrated various doctrines and ideas of Islamic mysticism and Shiiism such as the Perfect Man into his poetry. Show less
So far, the mainstream policy transfer literature has concentrated on North-North and North–South policy transfer. Few studies investigate South–North transfer. Whenever they do, they focus on... Show moreSo far, the mainstream policy transfer literature has concentrated on North-North and North–South policy transfer. Few studies investigate South–North transfer. Whenever they do, they focus on policies that travelled from South America to OECD countries. Africa and the Middle East remain blind spots in the policy transfer literature. This study addresses this research gap by asking how it was possible for a group of public health experts to transfer Iran's health house policy to the Mississippi Delta, USA. Taking the follow-the-policy approach as a starting point, the study uses expert interviews and a qualitative document analysis to reconstruct how an epistemic community of US-Iranian health specialists made use of Iran's Health House Network to address a health crisis in the Mississippi Delta. Applying the science diplomat concept to the policy literature, I argue that South–North policy transfer was facilitated by science diplomats who promoted transfer despite political and financial difficulties. Show less
Countries routinely translate official statements and state media articles from native languages to English. Over time, these articles provide a window into what each government is trying to... Show moreCountries routinely translate official statements and state media articles from native languages to English. Over time, these articles provide a window into what each government is trying to portray to the world. The FOCUSdata Project provides years’ worth of text and language sentiment ratings for hundreds of thousands of articles from state media and ministry of foreign affairs’ websites from North Korea, China, Russia, and Iran. Information is an important foreign policy tool and national security strategists analyze how it influences the attitudes and behaviors of foreign audiences. This article introduces the FOCUSdata Project and shows how the sentiment data provide unique abilities to analyze Russia's and Iran's reactions to US policies and events and NGO human rights campaigns. Evaluating countries’ official narratives improves understanding of government signals to outside actors, reactions to crises and foreign policy tools, and interests regarding (un)favorable developments. Governments’ sentiment provides unique explanatory power. Show less
Studies of conflicts involving the use of surrogates focus largely on states, viewing the relationship between sponsors and proxies primarily as one in which states utilize nonstate actors as... Show moreStudies of conflicts involving the use of surrogates focus largely on states, viewing the relationship between sponsors and proxies primarily as one in which states utilize nonstate actors as proxies. They have devoted far less attention to sponsor-proxy arrangements in which nonstate actors play super-ordinate roles as sponsors in their own right. Why and how do nonstate actors sponsor proxies? Unlike state sponsors, which value proxies primarily for their military utility, nonstate sponsors select and utilize proxies mainly for their perceived political value. Simply put, states tend to sponsor military surrogates, whereas nonstate actors sponsor political ancillaries. Both endogenous actor-based traits and exogenous structural constraints account for these different approaches. An analysis of three case studies of nonstate sponsors that differ in terms of ideology and capacity—al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula, the People's Protection Units in Syria, and Hezbollah in Lebanon—confirms this argument, but also suggests that the ability and desire to control proxies varies with the sponsor's capacity. High-capacity nonstate sponsors such as Hezbollah behave similarly to state sponsors, but remain exceptional. Most nonstate sponsors are less dominant, rendering the relationships to their proxies more transactional and pragmatic, and ultimately less enduring than those of state sponsors and their clients. Show less
The formation of the wage laboring class in the Iranian oil industry during the first decades of the 20th century is studied as a tangled global-local social history. The analysis seeks to... Show moreThe formation of the wage laboring class in the Iranian oil industry during the first decades of the 20th century is studied as a tangled global-local social history. The analysis seeks to situate the oil complex in Iran within the interlinked contexts of the global transformations of World War One, the social and political-economic tumults of the interwar period, the changing geopolitics of the Persian Gulf and Anglo Iranian relations, the consequences of the 1921 coup d’état in Iran, the local transformations of the oil rich province of Khuzestan, and the urban histories of the oil mining town of Masjed Soleyman and especially the refinery and port city of Abadan. As petroleum was becoming the primary raw material of Fordism and the second industrial revolution the accumulation of capital in oil required the dismantling of existing social structures and the reassembly of resources, technical expertise, and populations in modern built environments designed for oil capitalism. The urban social history of these oil cities shed light on the contentious processes that led to the making of an industrial oil working class, as well as the formation of modern state institutions in Iran, and the Anglo Persian Oil Company Show less
Though the genre of political humour is popular across different societies, it is commonly seen as a product of repressive regimes – a mild substitute for free speech and public critique denied to... Show moreThough the genre of political humour is popular across different societies, it is commonly seen as a product of repressive regimes – a mild substitute for free speech and public critique denied to people therein. Moving away from the binary of totalitarian vs. democratic states, this article reads the recent spurt in Ahmadinejad jokes in Iran as a middle class response to fears of a return to the conservative agenda that Ahmadinejad’s victory symbolized. Show less
How are we to understand the Islamic Republic’s battle against women? Women who want gender equality are tried and given hefty jail sentences. By intimidation and detention, the regime forces women... Show moreHow are we to understand the Islamic Republic’s battle against women? Women who want gender equality are tried and given hefty jail sentences. By intimidation and detention, the regime forces women to observe the decreed head and body coverings. But why has the Islamic Republic gone to battle with women? The author argues that the issue is directly linked to the theory of the velayat-e faqih [rule by an Islamic jurist] and the legitimization of rule by Islamic jurists. Without gender apartheid, the velayat-e faqih would cease to have meaning. Show less
Urban young Iranians have recently begun to use the blogosphere and cyberspace to construct new sexual and social discourses. This article describes how Iranian youth link indigenous discourses of... Show moreUrban young Iranians have recently begun to use the blogosphere and cyberspace to construct new sexual and social discourses. This article describes how Iranian youth link indigenous discourses of sexuality to other discourses of sexuality and how they understand their practices as political and social statements. For these youths, the internet provides important avenues to circumvent restrictions on cultural consumption and production while allowing them to engage in “safe” sexual encounters. As such, it fuels the creation of social movements that may pose new challenges to the regime. Show less
By disqualifying the candidacy of 80 incumbent legislators, Iran’s Guardian Council (GC) showed its will to put an end to the reform movement. With a weakened reform movement opposing them, and an... Show moreBy disqualifying the candidacy of 80 incumbent legislators, Iran’s Guardian Council (GC) showed its will to put an end to the reform movement. With a weakened reform movement opposing them, and an international community urging to negotiate with a unique central authority in Iran, the moment was opportune to strike a fatal blow at the electoral system. Show less
Art education is thriving in Iran despite facing obstacles by some conservative Islamic elements. Women are especially active in making and exhibiting art in the contemporary period. Through an... Show moreArt education is thriving in Iran despite facing obstacles by some conservative Islamic elements. Women are especially active in making and exhibiting art in the contemporary period. Through an ethnographic enquiry into women’s art education at the Tehran and Al-Zahra Universities, the ways in which women assert themselves as highly active members of a complex and changing society will be examined. Ethnographic research allows for long-held stereotypes to be corrected, truer versions of reality to come to the fore, and hopefully, the spaces and texts of “the other” to be better understood. Show less
With the gradual opening of Iranian society in the second decade after the Islamic Revolution, a number of research centers and networks have been established. Scholarly interest in Iran has also... Show moreWith the gradual opening of Iranian society in the second decade after the Islamic Revolution, a number of research centers and networks have been established. Scholarly interest in Iran has also been shifting from examining the causes of the Revolution to investigating its consequences. Scholars are increasingly conducting research based on archival analysis, in-depth interviewing, participant observation and survey analysis to investigate social transformations that have taken place in Iran. Show less
The Literacy Corps (sepah-e danesh) was implemented in Iran in the framework of the White Revolution (1963-1979) during the reign of Muhammad Reza Pahlavi (1941-1979). Suggested by the Kennedy... Show moreThe Literacy Corps (sepah-e danesh) was implemented in Iran in the framework of the White Revolution (1963-1979) during the reign of Muhammad Reza Pahlavi (1941-1979). Suggested by the Kennedy administration as an alternative to red revolutions and as a condition to US aid, the White Revolution aimed at propelling Iran onto the level of the most modernized countries. However, since about 40% of the labour force was illiterate and, thus, could not foster productivity, the government realized that action had to be taken in the field of education. Show less
Runaway, a documentary film directed by Kim Longinotto and Ziba Mir-Hosseini, was shot in late 2000 in Tehran, and is set in Rayhaneh House, a shelter for runaway girls. Like their earlier Divorce... Show moreRunaway, a documentary film directed by Kim Longinotto and Ziba Mir-Hosseini, was shot in late 2000 in Tehran, and is set in Rayhaneh House, a shelter for runaway girls. Like their earlier Divorce Iranian Style, Runaway shows how Iranian women are learning to challenge the old rules, and how rapidly their country is changing. The film follows the stories of five teenagers, exploring their longing for freedom, their hopes for a brighter future, and their experiences of society's double rules and standards when it comes to gender rights. The shelter is run by the dynamic and charismatic Mrs Shirazi and her team of counsellors, who protect the girls from their families and help to renegotiate their relationships. Show less
Contemporary Islam is witnessing the advent of new critical discourses from within its own modes of articulation. It confronts a new epistemic and interpretative situation, which is generally felt... Show moreContemporary Islam is witnessing the advent of new critical discourses from within its own modes of articulation. It confronts a new epistemic and interpretative situation, which is generally felt as something of an emergency. This emergency in epistemology and hermeneutics is largely the result of a radical shift of the categories of modern philosophy, science, culture and geography. Given the fact that the exploratory elaboration of law for centuries has been the dominant mode of self-expression in Islam, one of the key themes of contemporary Shici thought is the search for a legal identity. The current debate on the sharica (divine law) in Iran underscores the continued significance of this exploration. In the debate, the radical post-modernist cAbd al-Karim Surush contests the epistemic certainty of eternal knowledge, so common among modernists. Show less
The immense importance of the complex interaction between Iran and the outside world has long been recognized, but scholars traditionally have been selective in the attention they have paid to its... Show moreThe immense importance of the complex interaction between Iran and the outside world has long been recognized, but scholars traditionally have been selective in the attention they have paid to its manifestations and individual aspects. From the wars against classical Greece to the Iranian Revolution, their focus has typically been Iran's relations with Europe, and later the United States, revolving around commercial traffic, imperialism and the reaction to it, particularly reform attempts. Especially with regard to the period since 1500, this emphasis has come at the expense of studying relations with countries adjacent to Iran - a situation that is no doubt reinforced by a tendency among Iranians themselves to overlook and ignore the region around them in their eagerness to adopt - or resist - things Western. A different approach, one that looks also at neighbours and at culture and cultural politics, should offer us much new information. Show less
Roughly a decade after the Constitutional Revolution of 1905/06, many Iranians were of the opinion that constitutionalism had failed to build a sound social and political order in their country,... Show moreRoughly a decade after the Constitutional Revolution of 1905/06, many Iranians were of the opinion that constitutionalism had failed to build a sound social and political order in their country, although they understood this situation in different ways in that period of accelerating processes of social diversification. One of several social groups was the nascent modern middle class, emerging since the late 1910s, which reacted to Iran's post-constitutional troubles with a turn of attention away from political revolution to sociocultural reform as the panacea for the creation of a modern individual, society, and state. Show less
Following the tragic events of 11 September 2001, Samuel Huntington's theory of a 'clash of civilizations' has been garnering greater currency. Whereas it was roundly condemned in 1993 as a new... Show moreFollowing the tragic events of 11 September 2001, Samuel Huntington's theory of a 'clash of civilizations' has been garnering greater currency. Whereas it was roundly condemned in 1993 as a new manifestation of Orientalism, in today's post-11 September world it is hailed as having 'lasting importance'. Such dangerous thinking is now beginning to pervade presentations of Iranian-American relations, distorting the reality that conflict between Iran and the United States is a result of conflicting interests, not cultures. Show less
In June and July 1999 the National Film Theatre in London screened over 50 Iranian films, made before and after the 1978-79 Revolution. The proceedings of the accompanying SOAS conference have now... Show moreIn June and July 1999 the National Film Theatre in London screened over 50 Iranian films, made before and after the 1978-79 Revolution. The proceedings of the accompanying SOAS conference have now been published. Contributors review the development of Iranian cinema before the Revolution, efforts to create an Islamic cinema afterwards, and the growing international success of the 'New Iranian Cinema'. Typical features of this cinema are examined: the blurring of boundaries between documentary and fiction, the focus on children, the constrained portrayal of women, and the way the success of Iranian cinema has provided both a focus and a forum for Iranians to reconsider their national and cultural identity. Show less
