Accountability is a cornerstone of democratic governance. But with the emergence of increasingly complex multi-level and multi-stakeholder governance structures, and an increasing amount of... Show moreAccountability is a cornerstone of democratic governance. But with the emergence of increasingly complex multi-level and multi-stakeholder governance structures, and an increasing amount of delegation of public powers and tasks to both public and private non-majoritarian bodies, safeguarding public accountability has however become an increasingly complicated endeavour. This is not the least to be seen in the EU, where discussions about the EU's democratic deficit often centre around questions of accountability, with the accountability of non-majoritarian and (semi-)independent EU agencies being of particular concern. This dissertation focuses on how institutional EU account-holders execute their account-holding roles, in particular vis-à-vis EU agencies. Findings indicate that EU account-holders, within the constraints of their specific account-holding roles, are visibility-seeking organisations looking to take centre stage. This has important democratic accountability implications: Does the visibility-seeking behaviour of account-holders lead to low(er)-visibility agencies and issues escaping democratic scrutiny, or does it push account-holders towards going above and beyond their formal account-holding obligations. Show less
Toshkov, D.D.; Mazepus, H.; Yordanova, N.; Piqani, D. 2022
The EU has imposed financial sanctions on Poland for problems with judicial independence. The sanctions amount to more than €300 mill., and the sum continues to grow. How are the sanctions... Show moreThe EU has imposed financial sanctions on Poland for problems with judicial independence. The sanctions amount to more than €300 mill., and the sum continues to grow. How are the sanctions perceived by the Polish population? Are they considered justified and acceptable, and by whom? Show less
Permanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and... Show morePermanent Change? The Paths of Change of the European Security OrganizationsIn recent years, the post-war multilateral system and the European security architecture, containing the OSCE, NATO and the EU, have come under scrutiny. However, these organizations have changed for more than seventy years and survived many crises. Hence, the focus of this research is the analysis of the paths of change, defined as broadening, widening and deepening.Though the European security organizations have been analysed more often, this research distinguishes itself by not only analysing these paths separately, but also by comparing them to one another and devoting attention to their possible interrelationship. The rationale behind this research is on the one hand the current crisis in the multilateral world order and on the other hand the absence of a coherent, theoretically inspired description and analysis of these changes.The main conclusion drawn is that the European security architecture did not result in the formerly held idea of a division of labour solely instigated by states to prevent competition and rivalry. This architecture has become a differentiated construction and changed into a hybrid architecture with complementary and even mutually interdependent organizations. Show less
Deze bijdrage geeft een eerste overzicht van de zwaarbevochten handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen het VK en de EU in de context van de al vierenhalf jaar durende Brexit-saga. Samen met... Show moreDeze bijdrage geeft een eerste overzicht van de zwaarbevochten handels- en samenwerkingsovereenkomst tussen het VK en de EU in de context van de al vierenhalf jaar durende Brexit-saga. Samen met het terugtrekkingsakkoord hebben de betrekkingen tussen de EU en VK nu een nieuw fundament – gegoten uit het oude cement van internationaal publieksrecht. De overeenkomst slaagt erin zowel de rode lijnen van de partijen te respecteren als de maalstromen van een no-deal te omzeilen. Dat dit in een turbulent politiek klimaat is gelukt is zeker voor een groot deel aan de volharding van de onderhandelingsteams van beide partijen te danken. Desalniettemin wordt op de honderden bladzijden van het akkoord keer op keer duidelijk dat het hier om een document gaat dat de schade van desintegratie regelt in plaats van de partijen hechter naar elkaar toe te laten groeien. Show less
According to the controversial China—Raw Materials and China—Rare Earths decisions, China is prohibited from using export duties to address any environmental problems, including those associated... Show moreAccording to the controversial China—Raw Materials and China—Rare Earths decisions, China is prohibited from using export duties to address any environmental problems, including those associated with climate change. This is unfortunate because a number of climate studies have suggested that export duties can be useful to tackle carbon leakage in China, being the largest emitter and exporter of carbon dioxide emissions.This thesis argues that there is a need to consider ‘greening’ the absolute ban on China’s export duties. It accordingly proposes that, export duties - solely restricting exports - should be prohibited outright, while ‘export duties plus’ – restricting both exports and domestic consumption - should be allowed in pursuit of environmental advantages. There are three most feasible ways to achieve this balanced outcome: (i) a waiver as a stopgap measure, (ii) a Ministerial Decision or Declaration as a more flexible alternative, and (iii) a legal interpretation for the Appellate Body to distinguish between export duties and ‘export duties plus’ as a judicial correction. With regard to the proposed judicial correction, even if the Appellate Body is no longer operational, it remains relevant for the purpose of injecting valuable flexibility into the WTO’s precedent system. Show less
Direct taxation in the EU is like a Darrieus Turbine, relatively good efficiency, but it showspoor reliability, as it depends on external power to start, and it tends to be fatigue-prone due tothe... Show moreDirect taxation in the EU is like a Darrieus Turbine, relatively good efficiency, but it showspoor reliability, as it depends on external power to start, and it tends to be fatigue-prone due tothe wide variation in applied forces during each rotation. Show less
De EU moet oppassen het brexitfalen alshet eigen gelijk van de Unie te zien. Doordat de brexit maar niet tot standkomt, draagt hij bij aan de gedachte dat het onmogelijk is de EU te verlaten.Om dit... Show moreDe EU moet oppassen het brexitfalen alshet eigen gelijk van de Unie te zien. Doordat de brexit maar niet tot standkomt, draagt hij bij aan de gedachte dat het onmogelijk is de EU te verlaten.Om dit tegen te gaan moet niet alleen de eigen aard van de brexit wordenerkend, maar moeten ook alternatieven worden ontwikkeld voor het volleEU-lidmaatschap. Bovendien moet, nu een EU-federatie verder weg is dan ooit, dedemocratische verankering van de EU in de lidstaten worden vergroot. Show less
Deze bijdrage poogt achtergrond en duiding te geven bij de recente ontwikkelingen rondom Brexit, identificeert de belangrijkste knelpunten, en bespreekt de resterende mogelijke uitkomsten: welke... Show moreDeze bijdrage poogt achtergrond en duiding te geven bij de recente ontwikkelingen rondom Brexit, identificeert de belangrijkste knelpunten, en bespreekt de resterende mogelijke uitkomsten: welke routes uit de loopgraven liggen nog open? Ook reflecteert deze bijdrage kort op de lessen die wel en niet uit het Brexit proces getrokken kunnen worden, onder andere inzake de effectiviteit van het recht op terugtrekking en de toekomstige ontwikkeling van de EU zelf. In het eindspel van Brexit zijn immers ook de eerste barsten in het pantser van de eenheid van de Unie zichtbaar geworden. Show less
Signed in 1976, the EU-Canada relationship was the first bilateral agreement that the EU signed with an industrialised third country. Modest strengthening of the ties was achieved with the 2004 EU... Show moreSigned in 1976, the EU-Canada relationship was the first bilateral agreement that the EU signed with an industrialised third country. Modest strengthening of the ties was achieved with the 2004 EU-Canada Partnership Agenda. A fully-fledged free trade agreement was in the works at this time, but suspended in 2006. The EU-Canada strategic partnership agreement (SPA) and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA) did not materialise until more than a decade later, in 2016. This paper focuses in particular on the strategic partnership dimension. It explores why an SPA was possible in 2016, but not before. To answer this question, the paper looks at four time periods. In so doing it explores the origins of the EU-Canada agreement, how the EU-Canada relationship changed over time, and examines how a more profound strategic partnership came about when it did. In its analysis it considers institutional, domestic and geopolitical factors. It briefly speculates about the possible future of this partnership. Show less
This study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three... Show moreThis study analyses some aspects of the impact of European Union migration policies on ECOWAS, the WestAfrican regional economic integration project, and on the migration policies of three countries in the region,Nigeria, Mali, and Niger. The study focuses in particular on the divergent perceptions of the issue in Europeand West Africa. While, from the point of view of decision-makers in Europe, migration from Sub-SaharanAfrica has grown since the early 2000s from a problem into a crisis, in West Africa, it is seen as a new phasein the region’s difficult history of socio-economic development. The study revisits the ways in which the EU’srelations with the region were, and still are shaped by the migration issue; reviews and discusses the migration policies of ECOWAS in context; analyses the parameters of the migration issue area in Nigeria and Mali, emphasising in particular the historical perspective in which they make sense; discusses the ways in which the EU has sought to influence the policies of these countries in this connection; examines the peculiar case of Niger, a ‘transit country’ transformed into an immigration officer for the EU; and reviews and discussesthe implications for the socio-economic progress of the region and of these three countries. In conclusion,the study emphasises that the EU and West African states have a divergent understanding of what is atstake, with the result that dialogue devolves into ineffective initiatives that reflect both the lack of coherenceand the power – in terms of resources – of the EU position. Recommended measures are suggestedthat may help to establish the balance necessary for dialogue and provide a way out of a questionable – ornon-existent - strategy. Show less
La présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l... Show moreLa présente étude a pour objet d’analyser certains aspects de l’impact des politiques migratoires de l’Union Européenne sur la CEDEAO, le projet d’intégration économique régionale de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, et sur les politiques migratoires de trois pays de la région, à savoir le Nigeria, le Mali et le Niger. Elle s’intéresse en particulier aux perceptions divergentes de cette problématique en Europe et en Afrique de l’Ouest. Alors que pour les responsables européens, la migration en provenance d’Afrique subsaharienne s’est transformée depuis le début des années 2000 de simple problème en véritable crise, en Afrique de l’Ouest, elle n’est vue que comme une nouvelle phase dans l’histoire du difficile développement socioéconomique de la région. Cette étude reviendra sur la façon dont les relations qu’entretient l’UE avec l’Afrique de l’Ouest ont été et continuent d’être façonnées par la question migratoire, puis examinera et discutera des politiques migratoires de la CEDEAO dans ce contexte, analysera les paramètres de la question migratoire au Nigeria et au Mali, en insistant tout particulièrement sur la perspective historique dans laquelle ils s’inscrivent, discutera de la façon dont l’UE a cherché à influencer les politiques de ces pays dans ce domaine, examinera le cas particulier du Niger, ‘pays de transit’ devenu agent de l’immigration de l’UE, puis examinera et discutera des implications pour le développement socioéconomique de la région en général, et de ces trois pays en particulier. En conclusion, nous verrons que l’UE et les Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest ayant une vision divergente des enjeux, tout dialogue ne peut produire que des initiatives inefficaces qui reflètent à la fois le manque de cohérence mais aussi la suprématie – en termes de ressources – de la position européenne. Des mesures seront également proposées afin d’aider à rétablir l’équilibre nécessaire à un dialogue et offrir un moyen de sortir d’une stratégie contestable - voire inexistante. Show less
The current orthodoxy maintains courts are not required to compare all language texts of a plurilingual tax treaty but may rely on a single one for cases of 'routine interpretation'. This view is... Show moreThe current orthodoxy maintains courts are not required to compare all language texts of a plurilingual tax treaty but may rely on a single one for cases of 'routine interpretation'. This view is fundamentally flawed, in violation of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, and the source of treaty misapplication. This study aims to: (1) help diminish treaty misapplication through abandonment of the current orthodoxy; (2) show that sole reliance on prevailing texts is available as a pragmatic alternative in line with the Vienna Convention that reduces global resource costs of tax treaty interpretation and increases its overall consistency by eliminating unintended deviations caused by language idiosyncrasies; (3) provide policy recommendations how residual cases may be eliminated. To support this goals, this study seeks to provide conclusive arguments and useful data to policy makers, treaty negotiators, judges, practitioners, and other scholars. Its analysis of the final clauses in 3,844 tax treaties is intended to help both taxpayers and courts interpreting tax treaties in practice. The general arguments presented in this book are not limited to tax treaties, since similar issues play a role in the interpretation of other treaties, for example, in the field of foreign investment regulation. Show less
The European Commission’s chief Brexit negotiator Barnier recently stated that the ‘Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement’ (CETA) between the EU and Canada is the only feasible model left for... Show moreThe European Commission’s chief Brexit negotiator Barnier recently stated that the ‘Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement’ (CETA) between the EU and Canada is the only feasible model left for Brexit. If this is so, it is bad news. Inevitably, a CETA-Brexit will be much closer to a hard Brexit than to the glorious bespoken deal promised by May.This contribution first sets out the problems a CETA-Brexit is supposed to fix, and then outlines several legal reasons why CETA cannot do so. Show less
The article elaborates on the significance of the duty of sincere cooperation as a legal principle in the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) of the European Union (EU), in particular as regards the... Show moreThe article elaborates on the significance of the duty of sincere cooperation as a legal principle in the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) of the European Union (EU), in particular as regards the relationship between the Union and its Member States. It argues that while the duty of sincere cooperation is a judicially enforceable duty vis-a-vis the Member States, it is losing some of its relevance in the context of the CCP. This is due to the fact that the Lisbon Treaty, as confirmed by the case law of the Court of Justice of the EU, expanded the scope of the CCP and clearly identifies it as an exclusive competence of the Union. Loyalty in the CCP, therefore, is mainly covered by the obligation to respect the exclusivity of the Union’s international powers in this area. While this does not equate to the disappearance of the Member States as actors in international economic governance, it does seriously constrain their leeway for autonomous action. In addition, the article applies this finding to a number of current developments surrounding the CCP. These include, firstly, the new Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy, which promotes the idea of a “joined-up” approach between different actors and policies; secondly, “Brexit” and the prospect of the United Kingdom negotiating new trade agreements of its own; thirdly, the position of the Member States in the WTO; and fourthly, the nature of the wave of new free trade agreements that the EU is negotiating and concluding. Show less
Tussen september 2016 en mei 2017 verrichte het LeidenAsiaCentre onderzoek naar Chinese beleidsvisies en percepties inzake de Europese Unie, de EU-China relatie en bilaterale betrekkingen tussen... Show moreTussen september 2016 en mei 2017 verrichte het LeidenAsiaCentre onderzoek naar Chinese beleidsvisies en percepties inzake de Europese Unie, de EU-China relatie en bilaterale betrekkingen tussen Nederland en China. Dit artikel bevat een verkorte weergave van de belangrijkste onderzoeksbevindingen en conclusies naar aanleiding van een brede analyse van Chinese publicaties en een rondgang bij 30 beleidsmakers, diplomaten en waarnemers in Beijing, Shanghai, Brussel en Den Haag. Op grond van hun bevindingen stellen de auteurs dat het tijd is voor een realiteitscheck en herziening van het huidige China-beleid in Nederland en Europa. Show less
