The international recognition of Turkey through the Treaty of Lausanne is often seen as the foundational moment of Turkey in international diplomacy. This article approaches diplomatic history from... Show moreThe international recognition of Turkey through the Treaty of Lausanne is often seen as the foundational moment of Turkey in international diplomacy. This article approaches diplomatic history from a decentred perspective. It highlights the activities of various non-state actors and semi-official figures who became engaged in international politics during the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923). They used citizen diplomacy, public propaganda, as well as other clandestine and public channels of transnational diplomacy to strive against the Allied peace terms. Notwithstanding their divergent political visions and agendas, these unofficial diplomats strengthened—though not always intentionally—the international recognition of the Turkish nation-state formation, only to be absorbed by the Ankara government’s growing monopoly on foreign policy. Informed by the New Diplomatic History approach, this article illustrates the important role of unofficial, transnational dynamics that escapes state-centred accounts of Ottoman-Turkish diplomacy during the aftermath of the First World War. Show less
Diplomats have to find ways to engage more with home citizens, including those who feel sidelined and unrepresented, appear unreachable, who are unpredictable in their political loyalties, outright... Show moreDiplomats have to find ways to engage more with home citizens, including those who feel sidelined and unrepresented, appear unreachable, who are unpredictable in their political loyalties, outright disillusioned or defiant. In this way, diplomatic practitioners have a role to fulfil at home, in that they can contribute to democratic renewal. Show less
This dissertation investigates the arts of the book in the Abū’l-Khairid dynasty. Often and inaccurately called Shībānid, the Abū’l-Khairids occupied what would become Uzbekistan and surrounding... Show moreThis dissertation investigates the arts of the book in the Abū’l-Khairid dynasty. Often and inaccurately called Shībānid, the Abū’l-Khairids occupied what would become Uzbekistan and surrounding territories across the sixteenth century. It focuses on specific illustrated works of battles and biographies composed in Persian and Turkish; the manuscripts encompass Shāhnāma productions and other works of epic poetry and dynastic history. The political and artistic strength of the Abū’l-Khairids was short-lived, but significant. Their leaders exchanged embassies with the Ottomans in Turkey and Mughals in India, and sparred with the Safavids in Iran. Although the official dates of the Abū’l-Khairid dynasty span 1500–1599, the examination extends the margins by two decades on either side. The focus is on the copyists and illustrators who contributed to the book creations, even if they worked in other artistic centers and political regions at other times.These manuscripts, and the scribes and painters contributing to them, fostered extended cultural exchanges between khans in Central Asia and their regional counterparts: Safavid shahs, Ottoman sultans, and Mughal emperors. These interactions were not confined to high echelons, however, and the study also traces the migrations of artistic talent across courts and commercial hubs during periods of dynastic rivalry and economic strain. Ambassadors, pilgrims, merchants, scholars, and artisans transported the objects. In the analysis, art is not separate from political, religious, economic, or intellectual matters but synthesizes art, history, geography, politics, economics, the movement of manuscripts, and the social relationships of the individuals engaged in their manufacture and transit. Show less
This article reappraises the significance of the ‘Treaty of Nîmes’, a fake historical document that supposedly ended the War of the Cévennes in May 1704. The agreement was negotiated by Camisard... Show moreThis article reappraises the significance of the ‘Treaty of Nîmes’, a fake historical document that supposedly ended the War of the Cévennes in May 1704. The agreement was negotiated by Camisard leader Jean Cavalier and Louis XIV’s representative in Languedoc, the Maréchal de Villars. It claimed no less than to restore the Edict of Nantes in Languedoc two decades after its revocation, and sparked speculation among the Protestant coalition about the true state of French domestic affairs in the midst of the War of the Spanish Succession. Dissecting its individual articles against the backdrop of contemporary correspondences, newspapers and pamphlets, this article thus reconstructs the origins and true purpose of that controversial agreement to show the limits of the Sun King’s absolutist rule, and makes a case more generally for the historical value of fake historical documents. Show less
This comparative study investigates court politics in four kingdoms that succeeded the s outh Indian Vijayanagara empire during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries: Ikkeri, Tanjavur, Madurai, and... Show moreThis comparative study investigates court politics in four kingdoms that succeeded the s outh Indian Vijayanagara empire during the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries: Ikkeri, Tanjavur, Madurai, and Ramnad. Building on a unique combination of unexplored Indian texts and Dutch archival records, this research offers a captivating new analysis of political culture, power relations, and dynastic developments. In great detail, this monograph provides both new facts and fresh insights that contest existing scholarship. By highlighting their competitive, fluid, and dynamic nature, it undermines the historiography viewing these courts as harmonic, hierarchic, and static. Far from being remote, ritualised figures, we find kings and Brahmins contesting with other courtiers for power. At the same time, by stressing continuities with the past, this study questions recent scholarship that perceives a fundamentally new form of Nayaka kingship. Thus, this research has important repercussions for the way we perceive both these kingdoms and their ‘medieval’ precursors. Show less
North Korea is an overlooked actor in studies of Afro-Asian solidarity or the Cold War, even though it developed an independent foreign policy and managed to forge connections to African ... Show moreNorth Korea is an overlooked actor in studies of Afro-Asian solidarity or the Cold War, even though it developed an independent foreign policy and managed to forge connections to African liberation movements. This chapter explores North Korea’s cultural diplomacy during the liberation of southern Africa through the establishment of Juche Study Centers. Juche, the official ideology of North Korea, was marketed in Africa through public meetings at Juche Study Centers, the distribution of translated literature, film viewings, and travel opportunities to Pyongyang. Juche was a vague philosophy that resonated with African views of post-colonial nation-building. Today, few people take Juche seriously but the fraternal ties between North Korea and African political regimes have withstood the test of time. Show less
Through bilateral treaties between Moscow, Ankara, Tehran and Kabul, revolutionary diplomacy shaped the ‘Northern Tier’ of the Middle East in the early 1920s. This article argues that the infamous... Show moreThrough bilateral treaties between Moscow, Ankara, Tehran and Kabul, revolutionary diplomacy shaped the ‘Northern Tier’ of the Middle East in the early 1920s. This article argues that the infamous Young Turk leaders, though in exile after the First World War, remained at the centre of a significant moment in transnational revolutionary diplomacy in Eurasia. Based on a hitherto underutilised collection of published and unpublished private papers in juxtaposition with other archival sources, this article illustrates the working of a dual process of internationalism. While campaigning for Muslim internationalism, the Young Turk leaders were able to partake in international politics, but ironically reduced their own legitimacy and capacity as non-state actors by championing revolutionary bilateralism between Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan and Soviet Russia. Show less
This article examines Chinese celebrities' UN-affiliated Weibo activism in the context of China's increasing engagement in the United Nations, which coincides with a shrinking domestic public... Show moreThis article examines Chinese celebrities' UN-affiliated Weibo activism in the context of China's increasing engagement in the United Nations, which coincides with a shrinking domestic public sphere under Xi Jinping's leadership. Our article sheds light on how Chinese celebrity diplomacy is balancing contradictory expectations by the UN, the Chinese party-state and the domestic public in China. In doing so, we offer an important conceptual update of the western-centric literature on ‘celebrity diplomacy’, which focuses mostly on celebrity politics instead of diplomacy and tends to neglect the digital sphere. Based on a combined qualitative and quantitative approach, we draw fresh conclusions from nine Chinese celebrities' communication on Weibo since 2013. Our research covers the years marking China's growing self-confidence and a more assertive Chinese diplomatic style in global affairs. Although accredited by the UN, on balance Chinese celebrities' activism has become more symbolic than real, and as a rule aligned with the Chinese leadership's domestic and international ambitions. At a time of greater Chinese global activism, we are sensitive to the policy implications of Chinese celebrities' engagement on the cusp of the political and diplomatic spheres. Show less
This paper investigates whether and how the twin UN processes of the UN Group of Governmental Experts (UN GGE) and the OpenEnded Working Group (OEWG) are willing and able to address two ‘below-the... Show moreThis paper investigates whether and how the twin UN processes of the UN Group of Governmental Experts (UN GGE) and the OpenEnded Working Group (OEWG) are willing and able to address two ‘below-the-threshold’ problems in their deliberations. The call for the protection of the public core of the internet and the call for the protection against foreign election interference have been flagged by many state and non-state parties for consideration by both processes. This paper analyses the threats that the vulnerability of the public core of the internet and foreign election interfere pose for stability in cyberspace, as well as the legal and normative proposals that have been suggested to promote responsible state behaviour. On the basis of the public documents that states have submitted to the more transparent OEWG process, the contours are sketched of what the inclusion of these issues in possible consensus reports for both processes may look like. The OEWG concluded its deliberations with a consensus report that addresses some aspects of these issues, shifting the task of further elaboration and guidance firstly onto the ongoing UN GGE process, as well as onto the new OEWG 2021–2025 and other UN processes that are emerging. Show less
The Dutch Atlanticist Ernst van der Beugel (1918-2004) was a prominent figure in Cold War transatlantic relations for over four decades. As a modern kind of ‘renaissance man’, he was active in... Show moreThe Dutch Atlanticist Ernst van der Beugel (1918-2004) was a prominent figure in Cold War transatlantic relations for over four decades. As a modern kind of ‘renaissance man’, he was active in government, politics, the worlds of business and finance as well as academia. After a career with the Dutch government on the frontlines of the Marshall Plan, European integration and transatlantic politics, he switched to a more freestyle approach to diplomacy as a private citizen, most notably through his longtime leadership of the illustrious Bilderberg Meetings and his ties to the European and American foreign policy establishments. While his kaleidoscopic career offers a unique window upon the unofficial dimension of Cold War transatlantic relations, traditional state-centered approaches to diplomatic history have so far prevented a full assessment of his many roles in both formal and informal diplomatic networks. By looking at Ernst van der Beugel through the lens of New Diplomatic History, which emphasizes the role of diplomatic actors and the unofficial dimensions of diplomacy, this dissertation provides an alternative perspective on Cold War transatlantic relations by analyzing Ernst van der Beugel’s diplomatic role through formal and informal channels, both as a government representative and as an unofficial diplomat. Show less
Recent scholarly production on transatlantic relations in Europe is greatly interested in the role that social and cultural, not just political and diplomatic encounters, exchanges, and... Show moreRecent scholarly production on transatlantic relations in Europe is greatly interested in the role that social and cultural, not just political and diplomatic encounters, exchanges, and interconnections played in the shaping of the Euro-American relations.i As a consequence, this trend avows the absolute necessity of adopting a broader multidisciplinary approach so as to overcome the ideological dispute between cultural imperialism and cultural transmission in the transatlantic arena. Show less
The thesis explores the nature of VOC diplomacy using the seventeenth century interaction between the Company and the sultanate of Makassar on the western coast of South Sulawesi as its case. I... Show moreThe thesis explores the nature of VOC diplomacy using the seventeenth century interaction between the Company and the sultanate of Makassar on the western coast of South Sulawesi as its case. I analyse the Directors’ reflections on diplomacy in the general and approach towards Makassar in particular as well as Batavian reports on relations with Makassar, and the treaties concluded between the Company and the Sultanate. Discussions within the Company on policy towards Makassar in Batavia, as well as reflections on policy by ‘the man on the spot’, Cornelis Speelman, who in his memorie van overgave of 1669 pondered how to maintain the hegemonic position created by the Bongaya treaty complex of 1667-68.. I argue that both the Director’s concerns and the determining factor in policy decisions in Batavia were predominantly based on contextual considerations. By its very nature such an approach begged for precise and accurate information about local conditions and affairs. This led to a constructivist perception of “treaty,” whereby treaties were particularly designed for the specific and particular context to which they were applied. Show less
Diplomatiek onderhandelen is een moeilijk te begrijpen en te beheersen proces. Toch is het onderhandelen tussen staten en in internationale organisaties van levensbelang voor het functioneren van... Show moreDiplomatiek onderhandelen is een moeilijk te begrijpen en te beheersen proces. Toch is het onderhandelen tussen staten en in internationale organisaties van levensbelang voor het functioneren van het internationale bestel. Het Handvest van de Verenigde Naties noemt onderhandelen dan ook als het eerste instrument bij het vreedzaam oplossen van conflicten. De wetenschap is nog altijd op zoek naar methoden om de uitkomst van een onderhandeling te verklaren uit de processen waaruit zij is voortgekomen. Dit proefschrift benadert het diplomatiek onderhandelingsproces van verschillende kanten en tracht daarmee aan de hand van gevalstudies in verleden en heden de essentie en de evolutie van het proces beter in beeld te krijgen. Een goed begrip daarvan zal, zo wordt gehoopt, bijdragen tot een effectiever gebruik van het diplomatieke geven en nemen, om daarmee geweldsgebruik terug te dringen. Dat neemt niet weg dat onderhandelen een belangenstrijd blijft, het is een vorm van oorlog met vreedzame middelen. Kernpunt van dit boek is de stelling dat onderhandelen tussen staten pas een werkelijk alternatief voor oorlogvoering kan zijn, als het kan worden gevoerd binnen een kader van regels en procedures om het onderhandelingsproces in goede banen te leiden en gebrek aan vertrouwen tussen partijen te verminderen. Daarin ligt het belang van internationale regimes die de concrete vorm kunnen aannemen van internationale organisaties, met de potentie de uitvoering van genomen besluiten af te dwingen. Uit de voortdurende pogingen de internationale betrekkingen beter te organiseren blijkt dat de diplomatie allang tot dit inzicht is gekomen. Het blijkt echter al even duidelijk uit het falen van onderhandelingen als middel tot conflictbeheersing in gebieden waar een overkoepelende onderhandelingsstructuur ontbreekt, zoals nu in het Midden-Oosten. Diplomatic Negotiation is difficult to grasp, both in practice and in theory. Yet it is important to get to grips with this process, as negotiations between states and in international organizations are the lifeblood of the international body politic. The Charter of the United Nations, for obvious reasons, ranks negotiation as the foremost instrument in the peaceful settlement of inter-state conflicts. Scholars of international relations, however, are still searching for methodologies and theories to explain the outcomes of negotiations by the processes that produce them. This doctoral dissertation approaches the process of diplomatic negotiation from different angles, while applying a multi-faceted qualitative analysis of case studies from the past and present. It is hoped that a better understanding of negotiation as one of the main tools of diplomacy will help to enhance the effectiveness of this process as an alternative to warfare. Still, negotiation is basically a struggle in the promotion and defence of state interests. It is war by peaceful means. The central proposition of this book is that negotiations between states can only be a viable replacement of the use of violence if they are conducted within a framework of international regimes that set the rules and procedures for negotiation behaviour and mitigate lack of trust. International regimes may take the shape of international organizations, which can force countries to live up to their agreements. Diplomats and political leaders have come to recognize this, as the evolution of diplomacy in the last 400 years testifies. Diplomatic negotiation may be taken as a ceaseless series of attempts to bring more order to the international system. The current demise of the negotiation processes in the Middle East thus demonstrates the failure of the international community to build overarching negotiation structures. Show less
