This article investigates the interplay between art, commerce and democratization in the contemporary art market. It studies the roles of art merchandise, such as mugs decorated with images of high... Show moreThis article investigates the interplay between art, commerce and democratization in the contemporary art market. It studies the roles of art merchandise, such as mugs decorated with images of high art, in the contemporary art market in China. Relying on interviews, observations and other qualitative data, this article demonstrates that the merchandising of contemporary art is legitimate in China. The generation of income and promotion of artists and contemporary art generally emerged as important roles that China’s art world participants assign to art merchandise. Art merchandise is fitting for these roles in a consumer society. The prevalence of art merchandising in China stems from a lack of state support for contemporary art, and a specific cultural and historical context that makes people more attuned to accept multiples. This article contributes to the sociology of art, the literature on the democratization of art and arts marketing literature. Show less
The EU's good governance policy considers civil society an actor promoting development as well as political accountability of governments, thus contributing to the democratisation of political... Show moreThe EU's good governance policy considers civil society an actor promoting development as well as political accountability of governments, thus contributing to the democratisation of political systems. This study argues that the EU's policy is based on questionable assumptions with respect to the nature of civil society, as well as the willingness of state and civil society to cooperate. Syria, as an extreme case of authoritarianism, is taken as an example. The connotation attached by the EU to civil society in Syria is normative and overlooks its complexity and the character of its relations with the state. Within the context of intergovernmental and multilateral cooperation, the Syrian regime could select and control activities in the domain of good governance, including possible involvement in its implementation by Syrian civil society organisations, which were not perceived as a threat to the regime's power. In fact, this support may have even contributed to the resilience of this authoritarian regime Show less
The study looks at the State-social movements relation under the administration of Evo Morales in Bolivia and its impact on the process of democratization. It questions the State-society dichotomy... Show moreThe study looks at the State-social movements relation under the administration of Evo Morales in Bolivia and its impact on the process of democratization. It questions the State-society dichotomy and suggests a network analysis that enables a more integrated and ‘dialectical’ view. It shows that social movements are the most important political actors under the Morales administration. The network analysis shows how State and social actors interact in ‘political networks’ that are articulated around specific issues and that are constantly changing. As such the manner of relation does not answer to fixed patterns of ‘autonomy’ or ‘co-optation’ –traditional categories for the assessment of the relation between State and social movements. The study shows that the ‘political networks’ also include other actors that influence the relation. Two are analyzed: the national NGOs and the media. The dissertation concludes that the ‘political networks’ are decisive for the political process under the Morales administration; that social leaders in political posts are key in mediating the State-society relation, explaining the preponderance of the figure of Morales; and that the prominence of social movements in the political arena, aside some points of concern, has been positive for a process of democratization in the Andean country. Show less
The Chilean transition to democracy in the late 20th century is considered one of the most successful to have ever taken place in the world. During this process the obstacles set in place by the... Show moreThe Chilean transition to democracy in the late 20th century is considered one of the most successful to have ever taken place in the world. During this process the obstacles set in place by the military government and the dangers of radicalization on the part of the opposition were adroitly overcome. This work develops the thesis that the formation and evolution of the Concertación governmental coalition since the mid-1980s has been of crucial importance for the spread and consolidation of the democratic process and for the development of the country or, in other words, for the change from an authoritarian to a democratically elected government, followed by a democratic and institutionally consolidated government. To do so, drawing from a vast corpus of studies in the Chilean political evolution in recent decades, it offers a conceptualization and characterization of the emergence of a coalitional paradigm that has facilitated democratic governance and the national development. Show less
Why are small states statistically more likely to have democratic systems of government? By addressing this question from a qualitative, comparative methodological angle, this book analyzes the... Show moreWhy are small states statistically more likely to have democratic systems of government? By addressing this question from a qualitative, comparative methodological angle, this book analyzes the effects of a limited population size on politics and democracy. In line with the criteria of the most different systems design, the four microstates of San Marino, St. Kitts and Nevis, Seychelles, and Palau are compared on the basis of interviews with respondents from various societal and institutional backgrounds. The findings of this study indicate that in spite of their many other differences, politics and democracy in the four analyzed microstates is of a remarkably similar nature. Whereas a small population size may in some respects contribute to the quality of democracy, it also creates a number of political dynamics that undermine the functioning of democratic government Show less
This study examines the links between the state and civil society in Chile and the ways social policies have contributed since 1990 to the construction of democratic governance in that country. The... Show moreThis study examines the links between the state and civil society in Chile and the ways social policies have contributed since 1990 to the construction of democratic governance in that country. The main transformations in the link between the state and civil society in the period under consideration took shape in public policies, particularly in the social area. This was the top priority in government management and constituted the main difference from the previous neoliberal stance adopted by the Pinochet regime (1973-1990). On the basis of such policies, furthermore, participatory guidelines were set forth and efforts were directed to ensure social inclusion of the poorest sectors in society. The study discusses the role of public policies and the opportunities they provide for civil society in a scenario of political stability and economic growth based on opening to the foreign sector and the predominance of market economy. Given a broad notion of governance, it is argued that public policies have been the main instrument for transformation resorted to by democratic administrations since 1990 to amend the circumstances inherited from the military regime. However, the ability of these policies to expand democratic governance has proved to be limited, to the extent that such policies have become subordinate to an elitist model of democracy and adopted a restricted form of citizen participation. In this context, the following are discussed: (a) major social policy agendas; (b) selected innovations in the link between civil society and public policies; and (c) personal trajectories from civil society to positions of government power. Show less
The modern world is mostly made up of societies that know and model themselves through numbers. This study focuses on the processes that are behind this general tendency in the Chilean reality.... Show moreThe modern world is mostly made up of societies that know and model themselves through numbers. This study focuses on the processes that are behind this general tendency in the Chilean reality. Although the increasing use of quantification is directly related to general patterns modernity and globalization, the particular nature of the process of democratic transition in Chile in the 1980s and 1990s have tended to strengthen even further the use of measurement mechanisms in society. The key words of the transition process were responsibility and governability, to avoid a confrontation climate that, as it is usually explained, was one of the causes of the 1973 coup which destroyed the old Chilean democracy. That is why during the transition, the political elite tried to develop a public sphere where the demands could be minimized and people's participation could be directed through specific institutionalized channels. In that sense, quantification was coherent with those objectives and the intensity of its use can be seen as a tool -among others- for the upbringing of a limited and graduated public sphere. Show less
In the investigation, the domestic sources of foreign policy analytical framework were used to analyze the dynamics of elites in foreign policy making. After analyses of the results of mostly... Show moreIn the investigation, the domestic sources of foreign policy analytical framework were used to analyze the dynamics of elites in foreign policy making. After analyses of the results of mostly personal interviews and historical materials, it was determined that political elites do matter in foreign policy making. However, the elite group that mattered most was still the bureaucratic elite. The non-governing political elites were influential in foreign policy making during the formulation stage but not in the implementation stage. This finding was surprising and was contrary to what has been at the onset embraced by conventional wisdom among policy analysts and policy makers in the analysis of foreign policy in democratizing countries. With democratization, it was thought at the outset that the non-governmental political elites such as Parliament, members of the civil society such as religious, academia, and media, and the military both each as a group and collectively as being not in executive power play a significant role in influencing foreign policy. Moreover, it was found that nationalist ideology, though adapted to the contemporary situation, is embraced by everyone else except by the decision makers when making foreign policy decisions. Decision makers continue to embrace realpolitik as the basis upon which to decide on foreign policy. However, ideology was instrumental during the formulation phase of foreign policy making for the four political elite groups under study. Show less
Since the mid-eighties, Cameron has been going through a serious economic crisis. In the same years it has witnessed the proliferation and flourishing of Pentecostal groups-most of them coming in... Show moreSince the mid-eighties, Cameron has been going through a serious economic crisis. In the same years it has witnessed the proliferation and flourishing of Pentecostal groups-most of them coming in from Nigeria and with a gospel of prosperity as opposed to the gospel of asceticism of classical Pentecostalism. Earlier Pentecostal groups, which had adopted asceticism, are shifting to this new gospel. The rise and spread of Pentecostalism during this period of the crisis, coupled with the mass defection from the established churches could be interpreted as a public sign of dissatisfaction by Christians with the way the established churches have gone about addressing the spiritual and material needs of their followers. As a strategy of not loosing members to Pentecostal groups, mainline churches are gradually adopting the attractive doctrines and practices of Pentecostal groups. Within this period, Cameroon has also been going through a difficult democratization process, which most observers and the public attribute to government__s reluctance to introduce genuine democratic institutions. Mainline churches have been at the forefront of efforts to see a truly democratic society take root in Cameroon. While these churches are making this contribution, Pentecostal churches maintain a more or less neutral position on political issues. Show less
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation... Show moreThis chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This is compared with developments in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, where the introduction of multiparty elections has generally resulted in women's marginalization in parliament. Comparison of the representation of women in parliament in the SADC region under the one-party State and after the democratic transition reveals that the tendency is towards better representation of women. Factors impacting on the representation of women in politics include a country's state of development, the quota system, women's pressure groups, and electoral systems. Linking the UNDP's gender-related development index (1998) to the representation in parliament-index, the author concludes that there is no visible relationship between women's representation in parliament and the quality of life for women in southern Africa. Notes, ref Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten) Show less
The papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The... Show moreThe papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The Hague, The Netherlands, on 13-16 March 1997. The papers are concerned with the challenge to the development paradigm presented by its potential submersion within processes of economic globalization. The following chapters are on Africa: The accountability of commodities in a global marketplace: the cases of Bolivian coca and Tanzanian honey (Alberto Arce, Eleanor Fisher) - The Pentecostal gift: Ghanaian charismatic churches and the moral innocence of the global economy (Rijk van Dijk) - 'Progress' as discursive spectacle: but what comes after development? (David Mills on Uganda) - Christian mind and worldly matters: religion and materiality in the nineteenth-century Gold Coast (Birgit Meyer) - Mary's room: a case study on becoming a consumer in Francistown, Botswana (Wim van Binsbergen) - Second-hand clothing encounters in Zambia: global discourses, Western commodities and local histories (Karen Tranberg Hansen) - Globalization and the making of consumers: Zambian kitchen parties (Thera Rasing) - African corruption in the context of globalization (Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan) - Market expansion, globalized discourses and changing identity politics in Kenya (Andreas van Nahl) - The production of translocality: initiation in the sacred grove in southern Senegal (Ferdinand de Jong) - The production of 'primitiveness' and identity: Surma-tourist interactions (Jan Abbink) - Anthropology, identity politics, consumption and development in post-apartheid South Africa (P.A. McAllister) - Rural democratization in Zanzibar: the 1995 general elections (Greg Cameron). Show less
External factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to... Show moreExternal factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to sustainable growth', in which the Bank for the first time linked aid to the question of "governance" - undoubtedly played a role in the decline of the one-party State in Africa. But the deeper causes of the current wave of democratization lie in the buildup of pressure over the past few decades for a new form of political accountability, to replace that of patronage politics. Most African governments have responded to the forces of change by conceding to demands for multiparty rule, simultaneously attempting to control the process. President Moi of Kenya, re-elected president in a multiparty election, is a case in point. In a few cases, heads of State have refused to make any compromises at all, with appalling results (Liberia, Somalia). In those countries where some degree of democratization has taken place, it is hard as yet to discern any improvement in regard to governance. Political parties continue to be formed in terms of clientelism and there is little to choose between rival parties, as a comparison of the contrasting cases of Kenya and Zambia illustrates. Democratization has not recast political constituencies in a new mode (though religion may form the base for new forms of political recruitment in the years to come). Notes, ref Show less
