In between 1968 and 1973, the Dutch Atlantic was home to four Black Power organizations: the Black Panthers of Curaçao (1968-1970), Antillean Black Power (1969-1970), the Dutch Black Panther... Show moreIn between 1968 and 1973, the Dutch Atlantic was home to four Black Power organizations: the Black Panthers of Curaçao (1968-1970), Antillean Black Power (1969-1970), the Dutch Black Panther Solidarity Committee (1969-1970), and Black Power Suriname / Afro-Sranan (1970-1973). This dissertation asks why and how these organizations aligned with the transnational movement. Based on archival research conducted in Curaçao, Suriname, the United States, and the Netherlands, it argues that they did so because Black Power offered them an alternative path to decolonization. Instead of striving for equal participation in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as colonial reformists did, or promoting self-reliance, as nationalists did, Black Power activists believed the best way to free themselves from the legacies and realities of colonialism was to join the movement's global network of Black solidarity, cooperation, and unity. Show less
The dissertation is focused on three interrelated aspects: 1) the development of a decolonial theoretical framework and collaborative research methodology with the Kamëntšá people centred on the... Show moreThe dissertation is focused on three interrelated aspects: 1) the development of a decolonial theoretical framework and collaborative research methodology with the Kamëntšá people centred on the respect for Kamëntšá ethics, principles and social norms, and the consequent reconstruction, revitalization and dignification of Kamëntšá knowledge, arts, spirituality and notions of time and space; 2) the history and colonization processes of the Kamëntšá people and Uaman Tabanok, its ancestral lands, with a specific emphasis on the work of the Capuchin missionaries, particularly their concept of enculturation and how it transformed and resignified Kamëntšá culture and religion using its own arts, narratives and rituals which were in harmony with Christianity; and 3) the concept of “cultural heritage” and the role of academic disciplines, research practices, government institutions and cultural policies in the perpetuation of colonialism through the appropriation, interpretation, control and resignification of the objects, monuments and cultures of Indigenous peoples, and their consequent contribution to maintaining inequality, racism and historical social injustices. Show less
As museums face more scrutiny and are being demanded to decolonize, there are opportunities for Dominican museums to adopt a critical perspective and turn their collections and exhibitions into... Show moreAs museums face more scrutiny and are being demanded to decolonize, there are opportunities for Dominican museums to adopt a critical perspective and turn their collections and exhibitions into connections to our cultural past, present, and future. Nevertheless, specific research on archaeological collections in the Dominican Republic, the earliest hub of the European invasion, conquest, and colonization of the New World, has been scarce. This qualitative study explored how communities can be engaged to critically analyze museum narratives that perpetuate colonial ideas of Caribbean Indigenous extinction, which contribute to a disconnection from Indigenous heritage collections. Findings suggest opportunities for connections by improving access through the design of education and exhibition initiatives and the representation of cultural practices in ways that are important to the communities. This study provides future scholars with practical suggestions for designing community connections with Indigenous heritage institutions while creating multi-vocal engagements and inclusive meeting points for cultural self-determination. Show less
This study discusses the transformation from a colonial into a national economy in Indonesia and Vietnam. It focuses on two intertwined processes of economic decolonization and reconstruction in... Show moreThis study discusses the transformation from a colonial into a national economy in Indonesia and Vietnam. It focuses on two intertwined processes of economic decolonization and reconstruction in the two countries after the Second World War, paying special attention to political and institutional factors involved in these processes. The study demonstrates that, although differences in the political situations resulted in the adoption of divergent strategies, Indonesia and Vietnam were in fact pursuing similar long-term goals, namely: attaining a national independent economy. The Indonesian government was determined to get rid of the economic legacy of Dutch colonialism by placing the whole economy under the strong state control and ownership, in accordance with the spirit of Guided Democracy and Guided Economy in the late 1950s and the early 1960s. This effort resembled much the socialist transformation of North Vietnam in the 1950s and the various means by which the government of South Vietnam concentrated economic power in its hands during the late 1950s and the early 1960s. Show less
‘Orienting India: Interwar Internationalism in an Asian Inflection, 1917-1937’ is an intellectual history of (Pan-) Asianist individuals, initiatives and movements in South Asia in the years... Show more‘Orienting India: Interwar Internationalism in an Asian Inflection, 1917-1937’ is an intellectual history of (Pan-) Asianist individuals, initiatives and movements in South Asia in the years between the two world wars. The First World War, the Bolshevik Revolution and the establishment of the League of Nations all gave a strong impetus to individuals and movements who sought to operate internationally. Within this proliferation of internationalist activism, Indian artists, intellectuals, activists, feminists, religious revivalists, trade unionists, and others framed their thoughts and actions on an Asian scale. Their projects for Asian unification ranged from specific causes, such as drawing international attention to the dismal working conditions in Asian industries, to political unification in a future Asian federation. In examining these different expressions of Asianism, this study seeks to demonstrate that (Pan-) Asianism was an important part of the Indian public sphere in the interwar years, and that this regionalist enthusiasm occurred across the political and religious spectrum. Show less
In the search for a Taiwanese identity rooted in the land of Taiwan the Japanese colonial past plays an ambiguous role. The Japanese colonial sites became a constituent part of the new identity and... Show moreIn the search for a Taiwanese identity rooted in the land of Taiwan the Japanese colonial past plays an ambiguous role. The Japanese colonial sites became a constituent part of the new identity and cultural narrative of Taiwan in the 1990s and 2000s, when a memory boom was experienced in Taiwan representing new politics both cultural and economic which differed from the previous political periods of Japanese and postwar KMT (Kuomintang; Chinese Nationalist Party) rule. Min-Chin Chiang presents the extreme complexity of sharing the Japanese colonial past in postcolonial Taiwanese society. In this book she examines possibilities of decolonization through community-based heritage activities. Problems and ambiguity stemming from the tentative transformation from colonialism to locality help to trigger further thinking or warn against the ideological trap of taking mutuality in ‘sharing’ the past for granted. Hence, decolonization does not necessarily mean ‘removing colonial material traces’. Preserving colonial sites through recognising the contested nature, actively exploring and engaging controversial voices, insisting with finding out historical depth of every memory version attached to the site, and transforming structural inequality with persistent locality building would better contribute to trigger a decolonizing process. This is the significance of the colonial sites as ‘heritage’ for the postcolonial society. Show less
The Netherlands Antilles and Aruba are still tied to the Netherlands through the Charter for the Kingdom of 1954. This document is a little known, but ingenious attempt at the decolonization of the... Show moreThe Netherlands Antilles and Aruba are still tied to the Netherlands through the Charter for the Kingdom of 1954. This document is a little known, but ingenious attempt at the decolonization of the Dutch Caribbean within the structure of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. This study describes the status of the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba under international law. It discusses questions such as: What basis is there for the islands__ claim to self-determination and decolonization? May the Netherlands force the islands to become independent states? Why do the islands call on the help of the Decolonization Committee of the United Nations to obtain another constitutional status within the Kingdom of the Netherlands? For the first time, the results of more than 50 years of debate within the Kingdom of the Netherlands on decolonization and self-determination are now made available to international readers, with full reference to international law and developments at the United Nations. Relevant comparisons are made to other remnants of the Western colonial empires in the Caribbean and Pacific regions, and in the Indian Ocean. It presents an overview of existing forms of overseas constitutional relations, in light of the international law concerning decolonization and self-determination of small islands. The Kingdom of the Netherlands is currently going through turbulent times. The Netherlands Antilles is falling apart, with each of its five island territories trying to obtain a separate constitutional position within the Kingdom. The aim of Cura_ao and St. Maarten is to become autonomous Countries within the Kingdom, while Bonaire, St. Eustatius and Saba have opted for a stronger role for the Netherlands in the government of their islands. The international law concerning decolonization and self-determination will probably continue to play a large role in this process of constitutional reform. Show less
