Esse estudo examina diferentes abordagens das comparações etnográficas e analisa debates recentes e antigos sobre como comparar evidências etnográficas, bem como mostra de que modo epistemologias... Show moreEsse estudo examina diferentes abordagens das comparações etnográficas e analisa debates recentes e antigos sobre como comparar evidências etnográficas, bem como mostra de que modo epistemologias comparativas mudaram durante momentos políticos específicos (colonialismo, descolonização e fim da Guerra Fria). Recentemente emergiram novas formas reflexivas de comparação com raízes na epistemologia interpretativa. O fim da Guerra Fria estimulou formas de comparação e reflexividade que deram surgimento ao que chamo de comparação por serendipidade: uma abordagem comparativa baseada em uma epistemologia interpretativa que abraça serendipidade, reflexividade e relevância como mais importantes que controle.This study examines different approaches to ethnographic comparisons and analyses recent as well as older debates on how to compare ethnographic evidence. It shows how comparative epistemologies have changed during specific political moments (colonialism, decolonization, and the end of the Cold War). Recently, new forms of reflexive comparison have emerged that are rooted in an interpretative epistemology. The end of the Cold War stimulated new forms of comparison and reflexivity that gave rise to what I call serendipitous comparison: a comparative approach that is based on an interpretative epistemology that embraces serendipity, reflexivity, and saliency as being more important than control. Show less
This article puts forth the argument that Israel’s desire to repair its deteriorating relations with Turkey between 1980 and 1985 drove Israeli diplomats to leverage Armenian terrorism as an issue... Show moreThis article puts forth the argument that Israel’s desire to repair its deteriorating relations with Turkey between 1980 and 1985 drove Israeli diplomats to leverage Armenian terrorism as an issue of shared concern with Turkey. Specifically, the Armenian Secret Army for the Liberation of Armenia (hereafter, ASALA), apparent affiliation with a similar brand of Palestinian terrorism, which was supported by the Soviet Union, was used to court Turkey. This overlooked factor also provides a template with which to understand Israel’s policy on the contested memories of the Armenian Genocide during the 1980s. In the context of a late Cold War superpower rivalry, this article demonstrates how Israeli diplomats assigned the US to mediate between Ankara and Jerusalem. This context highlights the degree to which Cold War dynamics were two-sided: how regional powers such as Israel attempted to influence the policies of the superpower US in the later Cold War years through leveraging global terrorism for diplomatic gains with Turkey Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers,... Show moreDoes society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy? Show less
In 1977 an incident occurred in a tiny fisherman village located in the south-eastern corner of Italy, which resonated in both Washington and Moscow. That kind of linkages in history, combining the... Show moreIn 1977 an incident occurred in a tiny fisherman village located in the south-eastern corner of Italy, which resonated in both Washington and Moscow. That kind of linkages in history, combining the micro and macro levels of analysis simultaneously, is what inspires me the most as a historian and what makes me feel so much at home at EUR’s history department. An overarching, comprehensive view of history, one that intertwines the local and global together, helps me in the exploration of the global repercussions that a plethora of apparently marginal events recurrently had throughout the cold war. Show less
In een periode waarin het volgens Mulisch leek of alles was versteend, klonken in de literaire tijdschriften felle proteststemmen tegen de literatuur van 'het klein geluk' en de burgerlijke... Show moreIn een periode waarin het volgens Mulisch leek of alles was versteend, klonken in de literaire tijdschriften felle proteststemmen tegen de literatuur van 'het klein geluk' en de burgerlijke consensuscultuur. De verschrikkingen van het recente verleden en de vrees voor een nieuwe oorlog beheersten het politiek-maatschappelijke klimaat. Tegelijkertijd hield Nederland krampachtig vast aan zijn rol als modelkolonisator. Deze veranderde wereld vroeg om stellingname, ook in de literatuur: 'Lyriek is de moeder der politiek', stelde Lucebert. Marije Groos laat zien hoe auteurs als Lucebert, Harry Mulisch, Jan Wolkers, Gerrit Kouwenaar, Henk Hofland en J.B. Charles in intrigerende teksten vorm gaven aan een kritisch engagement. Zij laten een ander, afwijkend geluid horen uit de 'lange jaren vijftig'. Daarnaast gaat Groos uitvoerig in op het specifiek literaire karakter van het engagement. Haar boek draagt daarmee bij aan het doorlopende debat over literatuur, autonomie en engagement. Show less
During the decolonisation of southern Africa (1960s-1990s), several national liberation movements benefited from support from the Nordic countries, where they established foreign missions and... Show moreDuring the decolonisation of southern Africa (1960s-1990s), several national liberation movements benefited from support from the Nordic countries, where they established foreign missions and mobilized international aid. As a result, a considerable amount of African primary source material has been amassed over the years. This material is now accessible through the Pamphlet Collection of the Nordic Africa Institute (NAI). The Pamphlet Collection contains over 700 boxes with (primary) source material from the entire African continent, including unique material from national liberation movements that is difficult to find elsewhere. Scholars of the Cold War can use this fascinating collection to study African agency during an era that – often wrongly - seemed to be dominated by Great Power competition. This Research Note explores contents of the Pamphlet Collection, with a particular focus on material from southern Africa. Show less
This thesis explores North Korea’s influential role in the liberation of Southern Africa. Specifically, it examines the question of how political elites in Southern Africa benefitted from North... Show moreThis thesis explores North Korea’s influential role in the liberation of Southern Africa. Specifically, it examines the question of how political elites in Southern Africa benefitted from North Korean support, from 1960 until 2020. The main argument of this book is that liberation (and not the Cold War) is the leitmotif for African–North Korean relations, as the transition from anticolonial struggles to postcolonial politics is characterised by continuity not change. This approach is based on three assumptions. First, political culture in Southern Africa transcends national boundaries, which is a legacy of the exile dimension of the struggle for liberation. Second, scholarship must shift its lens from states to regimes. Third, the standard periodisation of African history and the Cold War distorts a proper understanding of African–North Korean interactions. Show less
This dissertation analyzes the changing discourses of Turkish nationalism between 1950s-1980 through the reproduction of political myths in nationalist action/adventure films with historical... Show moreThis dissertation analyzes the changing discourses of Turkish nationalism between 1950s-1980 through the reproduction of political myths in nationalist action/adventure films with historical settings. How myths narrate the nation’s spatial, ancestral, temporal roots, present situation, future, and mission is examined in seventy-one films that recreate the past within the frameworks of different historical-political contexts. The central question is: How does the depiction of the past change through time with the increasing polarizations hence nationalist militancy in the country? With a close reading in combination with film analysis, the depictions of the ideal representative of the Turkish nation, the national leader, warrior, enemies, friends, women, children, the national space, religion, and national mission are revealed. Show less
This article analyses a notorious episode of the early 1960s when Senator J. William Fulbright, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, investigated the anti-communist propaganda... Show moreThis article analyses a notorious episode of the early 1960s when Senator J. William Fulbright, then Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, investigated the anti-communist propaganda activities of right-wing 'ultras' in the US military. The episode is used to investigate the phenomenon of ‘cold warriors’, those figures who associated their entire political identity with the 'fighting' of the Cold War. One particular figure soon stood out as epitomizing the anti-communist paranoia that so worried Fulbright: Major General Edwin Walker. The contest between Fulbright and Walker (and their supporters in Congress) was not a political side-show, since it soon involved President Kennedy and saw Defense Secretary Robert McNamara testifying before a Senate investigative committee. It also marked a contest between an orthodox anti-Soviet position and the new, uncertain but more flexible world-view to be known as Détente. The Walker case encapsulated the debate and the widening divide in US politics and society between those who saw the Cold War as a do-or-die struggle to the bitter end, and those who were willing to accept the existence of the Soviet Union for the sake of a stable Détente. By drawing on the work of Anders Stephanson, this article explores the broader political ramifications of the Fulbright-Walker contest in the context of the changing dynamics of the Cold War. Show less
Between 1960 and 1983 the Dutch economist Dr. Albert Winsemius (1910-1996) was the most influential economic adviser to the government of Singapore and one of the leading architects of Singapore’s... Show moreBetween 1960 and 1983 the Dutch economist Dr. Albert Winsemius (1910-1996) was the most influential economic adviser to the government of Singapore and one of the leading architects of Singapore’s highly successful development model. Winsemius' beliefs and recommendations chimed with the views of Singapore’s first-generation postcolonial political leaders and quickly grew in popular appeal once they started yielding impressive economic results. Winsemius’ uncompromising hostility to communism, and at the same time his sympathy toward moderate trade unionism, were of particular importance here.This research identifies strategies and policies that contributed to Singapore's development, and that can be traced to Albert Winsemius as a historical principal. It concludes that in essence, many of these successful strategies and policies were based on Winsemius’ experiences in his earlier life and career: the economic reconstruction in the Netherlands in the years after World War Two, in which he played a key role, his empathy toward the United States and the American way of life, his contacts with other right-wing governments, and his involvement during the Cold War in the production of arms. Show less
In between 1968 and 1973, the Dutch Atlantic was home to four Black Power organizations: the Black Panthers of Curaçao (1968-1970), Antillean Black Power (1969-1970), the Dutch Black Panther... Show moreIn between 1968 and 1973, the Dutch Atlantic was home to four Black Power organizations: the Black Panthers of Curaçao (1968-1970), Antillean Black Power (1969-1970), the Dutch Black Panther Solidarity Committee (1969-1970), and Black Power Suriname / Afro-Sranan (1970-1973). This dissertation asks why and how these organizations aligned with the transnational movement. Based on archival research conducted in Curaçao, Suriname, the United States, and the Netherlands, it argues that they did so because Black Power offered them an alternative path to decolonization. Instead of striving for equal participation in the Kingdom of the Netherlands, as colonial reformists did, or promoting self-reliance, as nationalists did, Black Power activists believed the best way to free themselves from the legacies and realities of colonialism was to join the movement's global network of Black solidarity, cooperation, and unity. Show less
