This thesis concerns the traditional script of the Tuaregs, tifinagh. This script is a direct descendent of the Libyco-Berber script, which appeared in Northern Africa in the first millennium BCE.... Show moreThis thesis concerns the traditional script of the Tuaregs, tifinagh. This script is a direct descendent of the Libyco-Berber script, which appeared in Northern Africa in the first millennium BCE. Nowadays, it is used by most Tuareg populations in southern Algeria, Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. The thesis focuses on the current form and usage of this script. On the basis of a large corpus of letter signs and texts gathered during fieldwork in Niger, and to a lesser extent Mali and Burkina Faso, the graphemic diversity of the script is shown, and the orthographic system is analyzed. The traditional Tifinagh script is basically consonantal, except for the fact that vowels are written in word-final position. Moreover, by means of ligatures, it is shown which consonants in a graphemic sequence are to be interpreted as a consonant cluster (in that case the ligature is used), and which are to be interpreted as consonants separated by a vowel in pronunciation (in that case two separated signs are used). The thesis also describes the many uses the Tifinagh script has in traditional usage. This ranges from personal administrative tasks to love letters and grafitti. It is shown that recently traditional Tifinagh have started to be used in printed media too. A new development is the creation of neo-Tifinagh systems - orthographies graphemically based on Tifinagh, but with different systems - esp. the introduction of vowel signs. The different proposals are analyzed as to their main inspirations, which are mainly the Arabic and the Latin script. The usage of these new systems is traced, both in personal contexts as in the printed media. The thesis also contains a chapter on the other two scripts in use for writing Tuareg, the Latin script and the Arabic script. For the first, it shows the history of orthograohic reforms in Niger and Mali since independence. For the latter, it provides a first analysis of the graphemes and orthography used in the age-old tradition of writing Tuareg in Arabic script. Show less
This article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the... Show moreThis article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the first autonomous government of Niger during the last years of French suzerainty (1957-1958). For a number of reasons, the French assisted in Sawaba's removal from government. Together with the new regime, they proceeded to persecute the Sawaba party, which was driven underground. Sawaba organized a clandestine domestic opposition and made preparations for a violent take-over with the help of friendly countries such as Ghana, Algeria and Mali. Assisted with arms, money and training, its commandos invaded Niger from the south and west in the autumn of 1964. Despite Algerian support before the invasion, the revolt failed and Sawaba was condemned to the political wilderness. This article focuses on the Algerian dimension of the revolt. It discusses the political evolution of Niger from the spring of 1957 to independence in August 1960 and how this connected to developments in Algeria. It then discusses Niger's security situation and how this was linked to control over its nomadic population and incursions made by the two countries across their common frontier. Subsequent sections analyse Sawaba's clandestine organization and the support provided by Algeria, discussing Sawaba's cell in Tamanrasset (southern Algeria) and its military training further to the north. The conclusion assesses the consequences of the failure of the revolt for the relations between Niger and Algeria. Notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
Nasra is one of the thousands of second generation Sahrawi youngsters who have studied for more than ten years in Cuba before returning to the camps of the liberation movement Polisario, in the... Show moreNasra is one of the thousands of second generation Sahrawi youngsters who have studied for more than ten years in Cuba before returning to the camps of the liberation movement Polisario, in the South Western Sahara in Algiers. There they wait in a state of limbo for a solution to the conflict that has lasted already three decades. What follows is an excerpt from the recently published travelogue Africa’s last colony, travels in the Western Sahara (in Dutch). Show less
In the cities of the Arab world, the relationship between public and private is governed by a world of glances. It varies by situation - individual or collective, ritual or random, sacred or... Show moreIn the cities of the Arab world, the relationship between public and private is governed by a world of glances. It varies by situation - individual or collective, ritual or random, sacred or profane - and according to specific locations and events. The negotiation of boundaries is subject to those contingencies. Indeed, there is not a strict, systematic separation between the private sphere, a place where women can express themselves, and the public sphere, dominated by the words of men. Urban studies have shown that the relationship between home and outside is surprisingly complex and flexible. Nevertheless, the declension of space into thresholds and gradations in Arab cities is characterized by a social identification of men and women with spaces that are specific to them. Show less
On his way through an airport in 1988, Professor Bilqasim Sacadallah of the University of Algiers experienced a scholar's worst nightmare. He lost a briefcase containing a partially completed... Show moreOn his way through an airport in 1988, Professor Bilqasim Sacadallah of the University of Algiers experienced a scholar's worst nightmare. He lost a briefcase containing a partially completed manuscript, research notes, and documents difficult to replace. This disaster might be read as a metaphor for his object of study, Algerian cultural history. On a far larger scale, French colonialism posed a potentially irreversible disaster for the Arabic and Islamic cultural heritage of Algeria. With the initial French onslaught in the 1830s, many documents and manuscripts were destroyed; some for no better reason than that French soldiers found them convenient for lighting their pipes. French confiscation of Islamic endowment properties in urban areas left educational institutions dependent on meager allocations from colonial authorities. The prolonged upheaval of the revolution from 1954 to 1962 also took its toll as the militant settlers of the Secret Army Organization (OAS) used their incendiary skills on the National Library, and as private collections of books and periodicals were destroyed or dispersed, and archives were carted off to France. Show less
Following the 'bread riots' of October 1988, the Islamist movement was the biggest benefactor of the introduction of democracy in Algeria, quickly amassing huge political support and winning... Show moreFollowing the 'bread riots' of October 1988, the Islamist movement was the biggest benefactor of the introduction of democracy in Algeria, quickly amassing huge political support and winning landslide victories in local and legislative elections. But instead of using its newly acquired power to install democratic principles throughout Algeria, the Islamist movement fell victim to its own aspirations. Today, as Algeria observes the tenth anniversary of the October riots, certain conclusions are self-evident. Overall, Algeria's Islamist leadership has proven ill equipped to handle its success or its own agenda. Show less
The legislative elections of June 1997 have enabled an apparently new political map to be drawn up. From these elections emerged a coalition government composed of ministers representing the RND,... Show moreThe legislative elections of June 1997 have enabled an apparently new political map to be drawn up. From these elections emerged a coalition government composed of ministers representing the RND, the FLN and the MSP (Mouvement de la Socit pour la Paix [Movement of Society for Peace], formerly Hamas, the moderate Islamic political tendency described in more detail below). These three parties constitute the current majority in the Assembly Ð a majority which gives President Zeroual a degree of room to manoeuvre. Show less
