This thesis investigates aspects of phi-features in non-standard and minority West Germanic languages. Phi-features play a role in several parts of the grammar, and the West Germanic languages... Show moreThis thesis investigates aspects of phi-features in non-standard and minority West Germanic languages. Phi-features play a role in several parts of the grammar, and the West Germanic languages display a wealth of variation related to phi-features. Investigating phi-features in West Germanic therefore gives us a unique view on the relationship between the different components of the grammar, in particular syntax and morphology.Based on new empirical data and generalisations, this thesis presents a novel analysis of three empirical phenomena. First, it analyses position dependent agreement in Dutch dialects as the result of a phi-defective agreement head. Second, it argues that complementiser agreement in Frisian and Limburgian is clitic doubling. Finally, it shows that word order variation in Dutch and German imperatives is the result of morphological variation of verb stems. The analyses provide insight into the representation of phi-features in syntax and morphology, the syntactic and morphological requirements on clitic doubling, and the syntactic consequences of the distribution of phi-features on lexical items. Show less
This thesis deals with differential indexing, i.e. intra-linguistic variation in bound verbal person marking, and the referential and discourse-structural factors which trigger it. Although the... Show moreThis thesis deals with differential indexing, i.e. intra-linguistic variation in bound verbal person marking, and the referential and discourse-structural factors which trigger it. Although the same underlying factors for differential indexing, such as animacy and definiteness, can be encountered again and again across languages, the exact manifestation of these factors has to be viewed language-specifically. Not only can languages differ with regard to the relevant factors themselves, but also with regard to where aline is drawn on the respective hierarchies associated with those factors, or whether there is a precise line to be drawn at all. Additionally, if there is more than one factor identified as being involved in indexing, the extent to which these impact or depend on one another remain to be determined. This thesis comprises four articles, viz. three in-depth case studies on differential indexing in the languages Ruuli (Bantu), Maltese (Semitic) and Gutob (Munda), and one typologically informed discussion of the phenomenon,looking into structural and functional differences and similarities of differential indexing for the A as well as the P role. Show less
This book explores variation in Bantu subject and object marking on the basis of data from 75 Bantu languages. It specifically addresses the question of which features are involved in agreement and... Show moreThis book explores variation in Bantu subject and object marking on the basis of data from 75 Bantu languages. It specifically addresses the question of which features are involved in agreement and nominal licensing, and examines how parametric variation in those features accounts for the settings and patterns that are attested crosslinguistically. Jenneke van der Wal proposes a novel syntactic analysis that takes into account not only phi agreement, but also nominal licensing and information structure. A Person feature, associated with animacy, definiteness, or givenness, is shown to be responsible for differential object agreement, while at the same time accounting for doubling vs. non-doubling object marking - a hybrid solution to a long-standing debate. In addition, low functional heads are assumed to be able to Case-license flexibly downwards or upwards, depending on the relative topicality of the two arguments involved. This accounts for the properties of symmetric object marking in ditransitives and for subject inversion constructions. The correlations between the proposed featural parameters reveal new striking patterns that provide evidence in favour of an emergentist view of features and parameters and against both Strong Uniformity and Strong Modularity. Show less
This paper proposes a novel analysis of the exceptional agreement patterns in pronominal het ‘it’-clefts with the order het-copula-pronoun in Dutch. We argue that the complex interaction in clefts... Show moreThis paper proposes a novel analysis of the exceptional agreement patterns in pronominal het ‘it’-clefts with the order het-copula-pronoun in Dutch. We argue that the complex interaction in clefts between case, agreement and word order can be explained from the radical featural defectivity of het ‘it’: het ‘it’ has a third person (3P) feature, but no case, number, strength and gender features. We show that het ‘it’ is different from all personal pronouns in the major dialect groups of Dutch in that it never shows any case distinction. The absence of case on het ‘it’ makes it possible and necessary for the pronoun to occur in the nominative in a cleft. Similarly, the absence of number in the feature specification of het ‘it’ makes plural agreement with the pronoun possible and necessary in clefts. Finally, we show that Standard Dutch has two subgrammars, one of which has the additional requirement that the finite copula agree in person with both het ‘it’ and the pronoun. Show less
Background: Pancreatic neuroendocrine tumors (pNETs) have a high prevalence in patients with multiple endocrine neoplasia type 1 (MEN1) and are the leading cause of death. Tumor size is still... Show moreBackground: Pancreatic neuroendocrine tumors (pNETs) have a high prevalence in patients with multiple endocrine neoplasia type 1 (MEN1) and are the leading cause of death. Tumor size is still regarded as the main prognostic factor and therefore used for surgical decision-making. We assessed reliability and agreement of radiological and pathological tumor size in a population-based cohort of patients with MEN1-related pNETs. Methods: Patients were selected from the Dutch MEN1 database if they had undergone a resection for a pNET between 2003 and 2018. Radiological (MRI, CT, and endoscopic ultrasonography [EUS]) and pathological tumor size were collected from patient records. Measures of agreement (Bland-Altman plots with limits of agreement [LoA] and absolute agreement) and reliability (intraclass correlation coefficients [ICC] and unweighted kappa) were calculated for continuous and categorized (< or >= 2 cm) pNET size. Results: In 73 included patients, the median radiological and pathological tumor sizes measured were 22 (3-160) and 21 (4-200) mm, respectively. Mean bias between radiological and pathological tumor size was -0.2 mm and LoA ranged from -12.9 to 12.6 mm. For the subgroups of MRI, CT, and EUS, LoA of radiological and pathological tumor size ranged from -9.6 to 10.9, -15.9 to 15.8, and -13.9 to 11.0, respectively. ICCs for the overall cohort, MRI, CT, and EUS were 0.80, 0.86, 0.75, and 0.76, respectively. Based on the 2 cm criterion, agreement was 81.5%; hence, 12 patients (18.5%) were classified differently between imaging and pathology. Absolute agreement and kappa values of MRI, CT, and EUS were 88.6, 85.7, and 75.0%, and 0.77, 0.71, and 0.50, respectively. Conclusion: Within a population-based cohort, MEN1-related pNET size was not systematically over- or underestimated on preoperative imaging. Based on agreement and reliability measures, MRI is the preferred imaging modality. Show less
The Bantu languages show much variation in object marking, two parameters being (1) their behaviour in ditransitives (symmetric or asymmetric) and (2) the number of object markers allowed (single... Show moreThe Bantu languages show much variation in object marking, two parameters being (1) their behaviour in ditransitives (symmetric or asymmetric) and (2) the number of object markers allowed (single or multiple). This paper reveals that a combination of these parameter settings in a sample of 50+ Bantu languages results in an almost-gap, the AWSOM correlation: “asymmetry wants single object marking”. A Minimalist featural analysis is presented of Bantu object marking as agreement with a defective goal (van der Wal 2015) and parametric variation in the distribution of 𝜙 features on low functional heads (e.g. Appl) accounts for both the AWSOM and Sambaa as the one exception to the AWSOM. Show less
Kool, M.; Bastiaannet, E.; Velde, C.J.H. van de; Marang-van de Mheen, P.J. 2018
This thesis investigates the syntax of object marking in Sambaa and the Bantu languages in general, with particular focus on Swahili and Haya, as points of comparison. Object marking is approached... Show moreThis thesis investigates the syntax of object marking in Sambaa and the Bantu languages in general, with particular focus on Swahili and Haya, as points of comparison. Object marking is approached from the perspective of Minimalist syntax. The central claim is that object marking in Sambaa and related languages can be analysed as Agree (in the sense of Chomsky 2000, 2001), with certain modifications. These modifications have implications for the Agree mechanism in general. Object marking is discussed in the context of a range of syntactic environments: simple affirmative clauses, wh-questions, relative clauses and coordination structures. Based on this broad set of data, it is shown that Bantu languages cannot, as has been proposed, be divided into two types, namely those with object agreement and those with pronominal object marking (Bresnan and Mchombo 1987; Byarushengo et al. 1976, 1977 and Baker 2007). Rather, the Agree analysis can account for the object markings patterns in all languages examined. It is further shown that Bonet’s (1991, 1994) Person Case Constraint (PCC) holds for Bantu. The data discussed strongly support Bonet’s distinction between a “weak” and a “strong” PCC, as the languages discussed obey the weak but not the strong version of the PCC. Moreover, the PCC is shown to apply not only to object marking but to all ditransitive constructions in Bantu. This thesis is of relevance to syntacticians interested in agreement, object marking and the interaction of verbs and objects more generally, and to linguists interested in Bantu syntax, and in particular Sambaa, Swahili and Haya. Show less
This thesis investigates doubling and agreement in Romance and Germanic nominal constituents. In Swedish, Norwegian, and Faroese, the definite article is doubled in case an adjective modifies the... Show moreThis thesis investigates doubling and agreement in Romance and Germanic nominal constituents. In Swedish, Norwegian, and Faroese, the definite article is doubled in case an adjective modifies the noun. This doubling is known as double definiteness. This thesis proposes that double definiteness is the result of an intriguing interaction between syntax and morphology. The absence of double definiteness in other Germanic languages is attributed to morphological variation. The thesis mainly, however, deals with the distinction between strong and weak adjectival inflection in Germanic and its absence in the Romance. This thesis proposes that agreement on attributive adjectives is always licensed indirectly, through the help of a mediating element. In the case of Germanic weak adjectival inflection, this mediating element is partially deactivated for independent reasons. In the case of Germanic strong adjectival inflection as well as Romance adjectival inflection, this mediating element is however always fully active. On the theoretical level, this thesis proposes that the syntactic configuration in which agreement can occur is best defined in terms of dominance. It is argued that a definition in terms of dominance is both theoretically simpler as well as empirically more adequate than a definition in terms of c-command. Show less
In Dutch dialects, verbs and complementizers can bear different morphological affixes depending on which nominal element they agree with in their local syntactic domain. For instance, in a dialect... Show moreIn Dutch dialects, verbs and complementizers can bear different morphological affixes depending on which nominal element they agree with in their local syntactic domain. For instance, in a dialect such as tegelen Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the first conjunct of a coordinated subject, while in Lapscheure Dutch, the complementizer agrees with the coordinated subject as a whole. Using a vast array of new data on complementizer agreement, first conjunct agreement, agreement with pronouns, verbal agreement and subject doubling in Dutch dialects, this study argues that the interplay between syntax and morphology is more intricate than has hitherto been assumed. More precisely, it is shown that the syntactic component determines which local nominal elements qualify for agreement with the verb or complementizer, depending on the specificity of the affix. The analysis is extended to similar syntactic contexts in typologically different languages such as Irish, Hebrew, Finnish, Tsez and Arabic. Show less
