The question of adoption has been largely overlooked in studies of the Muslim world given that Islam officially prohibits it on potent religious alibis. Considering such a practice from an... Show moreThe question of adoption has been largely overlooked in studies of the Muslim world given that Islam officially prohibits it on potent religious alibis. Considering such a practice from an ethnographic perspective, and not exclusively a legalistic one, opens up new dimensions in the study of family and kinship in the Muslim world. Yet, such a practice is predicated on the existence of children to be adopted as 'raw material' in the first place. And while historically there have been, and still continue to be, various intra-family exchanges of children outside legal frames and the practice of Islamic tutelage, kafala, the Muslim world, as elsewhere, is experiencing the problem of abandoned children as a by-product of deep social permutations. Show less
In 1937, Haj Alla al-Qadmiri intoned 'Bismallah' (In the name of God) up to one hundred times in the course of a night's work.Qadmiri was an imam of the municipal slaughterhouse of Fez. Placing... Show moreIn 1937, Haj Alla al-Qadmiri intoned 'Bismallah' (In the name of God) up to one hundred times in the course of a night's work.Qadmiri was an imam of the municipal slaughterhouse of Fez. Placing each animal on its side, he slit its throat from ear to ear while uttering this blessing. After the ritual sacrifice, butchers, also Moroccan Muslims, prepared the animal for sale by removing its skin and dressing its meat. Qadmiri's job seemed an age-old tradition, but it was an innovation dating to 1912, when the French established the Protectorate of Morocco. Show less
The political institutions of Moroccan tribes are closely intertwined with the central state. By allying with state officials, tribe members actively contribute to state authoritarianism. The state... Show moreThe political institutions of Moroccan tribes are closely intertwined with the central state. By allying with state officials, tribe members actively contribute to state authoritarianism. The state has seen to it that neither the rural council nor the customary village council offers positions for representation of the tribal population. However, the recent gouvernement d'alternance of Prime Minister Youssoufi and King Mohammed VI have both declared the introduction of a local government intended to serve the population, instead of controlling it through this nonrepresentation. Nonetheless, in view of Morocco's political culture, it can be argued that this will be a long-term affair. Show less
On 14 January 1986, H.M. Hassan II, the late King of Morocco, delivered a speech on architecture. The speech was addressed to a small gathering of architects selected by the Ministry of the... Show moreOn 14 January 1986, H.M. Hassan II, the late King of Morocco, delivered a speech on architecture. The speech was addressed to a small gathering of architects selected by the Ministry of the Interior as representatives of their profession. The King of Morocco, unlike Prince Charles, was a true ruler and his speech was not meant as an art critique. Rather, it was intended to clarify a new incipient politics of urban design. This new politics, which intended to promote a return to 'traditional' architectural culture, was in open contradiction to the former official discourse of modernization. How can one understand this return to traditional forms? Was this an index of failure in the process of modernization initiated by the state after Independence, or rather an issue of strong societal resistance towards modernization, calling for a new politics of urban design? Show less
Ever since the early stages of Islamic conversion, the Shurafa have been successful in sanctifiying their individual personae and collective presence in Moroccan society. Countervoices that... Show moreEver since the early stages of Islamic conversion, the Shurafa have been successful in sanctifiying their individual personae and collective presence in Moroccan society. Countervoices that questioned the legitimacy of their religious stature have, however, never been fully silenced. In recent times, state formation and the concurring processes of the spread of public education and electronic media have given a new impetus to these resurgent voices. Anthropological research shows how, for some of these modern religious contestants, protest against Sharifi authority is part of a profound emancipatory struggle. Show less
