The political opposition in Egypt has recently been showing growing forms of cooperation, especially at the grass root level. The nationalist Nasserists, Leftists and Islamists are infamous for... Show moreThe political opposition in Egypt has recently been showing growing forms of cooperation, especially at the grass root level. The nationalist Nasserists, Leftists and Islamists are infamous for their internecine conflict and none are a homogeneous political group representing a monolithic political front. Recent attempts to forge new types of collaborative political action, particularly between the latter two groups, should, therefore, not be understood as a coalition representing three discrete parties under their official leaderships, but as loose networks comprising members or sections of different political camps as well as unaffiliated sympathizers. Show less
Henna rituals associated with the marriage celebration have been gradually disappearing in urban Egypt in the past half-century. Yet the art of henna has recently been revived among certain circles... Show moreHenna rituals associated with the marriage celebration have been gradually disappearing in urban Egypt in the past half-century. Yet the art of henna has recently been revived among certain circles of young middle- and upper-class Cairene women who have reincorporated the tradition of henna painting into the pre-nuptial 'hennanight' party. Show less
Feuds remain a part of the social fabric in Upper Egypt and often get reduced in the press as merely the result of backward 'clan' systems. Yet a wide range of arbitration and reconciliation... Show moreFeuds remain a part of the social fabric in Upper Egypt and often get reduced in the press as merely the result of backward 'clan' systems. Yet a wide range of arbitration and reconciliation councils exists to deal with local disputes including 'blood feuds'. Even though the media may not report on their successes, councils frequently resolve conflicts and play a role in curtailing the escalation of feuds and violence. These councils underscore the importance of reconciliation and peaceful solutions, rather than violent ones, in Upper Egyptian culture and tradition. Show less
When on 10 May 1925, the appellate sharica court of Biba annulled the marriages of three Upper Egyptian Baha'is to their Muslim wives, declaring that the Baha'i faith was not part of Islam and... Show moreWhen on 10 May 1925, the appellate sharica court of Biba annulled the marriages of three Upper Egyptian Baha'is to their Muslim wives, declaring that the Baha'i faith was not part of Islam and therefore Muslims embracing it were to be considered apostates, this verdict was, paradoxically, hailed by the international Baha'i community as 'the first Charter of the emancipation of the Cause of Baha'u'llah from the fetters of Islamic orthodoxy'. The National Spiritual Assembly (NSA) of the Baha'is of Egypt and the Sudan, one of the first NSAs to be founded worldwide, felt inspired by the verdict that finally made the Egyptian public aware of the existence of an active Baha'i community in their country. It was clear to everyone now that the Baha'i faith could no longer be regarded as an Islamic reform movement, as had been the case before World War I, when Abd'ul'baha's visits to Alexandria had caused a first wave of interest in the new religion. Show less
Understandably, the 11 September terrorist attacks in the USA have reinforced more than ever Western anxieties over the 'threat' of 'Islamic fundamentalism'. The perpetrators' Islamic identity and... Show moreUnderstandably, the 11 September terrorist attacks in the USA have reinforced more than ever Western anxieties over the 'threat' of 'Islamic fundamentalism'. The perpetrators' Islamic identity and the subsequent mass street protests in the Muslim world during the US bombings of Afghanistan left little doubt that political Islam in the Middle East is here to stay. However, the picture conceals some significant changes that Islamism in the Middle East has been undergoing in recent years. There is a clear shift from the earlier emphasis on Islamist polity to one on personal piety and ethics; from constituencies centred around impoverished middle classes to more fragmented adherents including the privileged groups. Show less
Since the birth of Louise Brown, the world's first 'testtube baby' in 1978, the new reproductive technologies (NRTs) have spread around the globe, reaching countries far from the technology... Show moreSince the birth of Louise Brown, the world's first 'testtube baby' in 1978, the new reproductive technologies (NRTs) have spread around the globe, reaching countries far from the technology-producing nations of the West. Perhaps nowhere is this globalization process more evident than in the nearly twenty nations of the Muslim Middle East, where in vitro fertilization (IVF) centres have opened in nations ranging from small, oil-rich Bahrain and Qatar to larger but less prosperous Morocco and Egypt. Egypt provides a particularly fascinating locus for investigation of this global transfer of NRTs because of its ironic position as one of the poor, 'overpopulated' Arab nations. Show less
The accused persons have practised sodomy. Oriental society criminalizes homosexuality and delinquency, which are condemned by Islam and all divine religions. This practice, if spread, will destroy... Show moreThe accused persons have practised sodomy. Oriental society criminalizes homosexuality and delinquency, which are condemned by Islam and all divine religions. This practice, if spread, will destroy the whole society.' The state security prosecutor's report contained these words regarding the case of the 52 Egyptians accused of sodomy, who were arrested on 11 May 2001 on the tourist Queen Boat. On 14 November, 23 of them were found guilty. The main two accusations were obscenity (in Egyptian criminal law, obscenity means sodomy) and contempt of religion. Show less
One of the most interesting and least-examined episodes in the career of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), the influential Egyptian ideologue of Islamism, is his sojourn in the United States from November... Show moreOne of the most interesting and least-examined episodes in the career of Sayyid Qutb (1906-1966), the influential Egyptian ideologue of Islamism, is his sojourn in the United States from November 1948 to August 1950. Egypt's Ministry of Education had sent the 42- year-old Qutb to the US to investigate American instructional methods and curricula, a task for which his career as an educator in Egypt had well prepared him. A number of materials exists that allow the researcher to reconstruct the main lines of Qutb's itinerary in the US and to explicate his thoughts on the essential nature of American society and culture. These include articles, 'letters home' written by Qutb and published in the Egyptian periodicals al-Risala, al-Kitab, andal-Hilaland, interestingly, documentary materials available at the University of Northern Colorado,'where Qutb studied in 1949. Show less
Mawlids, traditional festivals in honour of saints, are among the most popular, but also the most controversial Islamic traditions in Egypt. Millions of people - even half of all the Egyptians,... Show moreMawlids, traditional festivals in honour of saints, are among the most popular, but also the most controversial Islamic traditions in Egypt. Millions of people - even half of all the Egyptians, according to an unofficial estimate - participate in these festivals. In the public sphere, however, Islamists and conservative men of religion often find themselves side to side with many secularists, both vehemently opposing what they consider a shameful deviation from proper Islamic and/or modern culture. Show less
A growing body of scholarly work is devoting attention to how Muslim traditions articulate notions that might fit the standards of a modern polity. This research focus calls into question the... Show moreA growing body of scholarly work is devoting attention to how Muslim traditions articulate notions that might fit the standards of a modern polity. This research focus calls into question the extent to which such notions become ingrained in the norms of modern public spheres, which represent the communicative and legitimizing basis of potentially democratic political systems. The reconfiguration of the normative discourses and the institutional footing of Islamic 'reform' movements in the framework of public spheres can be termed 'public Islam'. Show less
Recent press coverage of what has been coined as 'curfi marriage' seems to bear witness to evolving sexual norms in Egyptian society today. More than to the phenomenon itself, for which no serious... Show moreRecent press coverage of what has been coined as 'curfi marriage' seems to bear witness to evolving sexual norms in Egyptian society today. More than to the phenomenon itself, for which no serious statistics are available, our attention should be drawn to the labelling procedures indulged by the press and 'popular literature'. Perceptions of sexuality and curfi marriage, and the way in which society is portrayed, reflect an attempt to incorporate the changing norms within a revived Islamic code. Reading the press, one discovers with astonishment an unleashed resentment of and blame on the youth and women. Show less
In Egypt, as in many other parts of the formerly-colonized world, numerous tensions and conflicts revolve around gender issues. Women are often caught between the pursuit of modernization, attempts... Show moreIn Egypt, as in many other parts of the formerly-colonized world, numerous tensions and conflicts revolve around gender issues. Women are often caught between the pursuit of modernization, attempts at liberalization, a pervasive nationalist rhetoric of 'authenticity', processes related to Islamization and ongoing imperialist encroachments. Those women who are actively engaged in contesting existing gender relations and social injustice are particularly vulnerable to being stigmatized as anti-nationalist and antireligious. Indeed, contemporary women activists in Egypt have increasingly been accused, particularly by Islamist movements and conservative nationalist forces, of collaborating with Western imperialism by importing alien ideas and practices and disseminating them throughout society. Show less
Copious studies on Islamic resurgence throughout the Muslim world deal with new veiling, a socio-religious practice which has been explained as a form of both resistance and submission to... Show moreCopious studies on Islamic resurgence throughout the Muslim world deal with new veiling, a socio-religious practice which has been explained as a form of both resistance and submission to patriarchy, an assertion of cultural authenticity, a reaction against Western imperialism and local secular regimes, a genuine desire by women to live more piously, and a practice born out of economic necessity. While there is a degree of plausibility in each of these theories, especially when taken in tandem, another dimension should be added to the debate on new veiling, and that is a subtle and seemingly growing tendency among many urban Egyptian women towards what can be called 'downveiling'. Show less
Belief in the existence and powers of ‘saints’ or ‘friend of God’ (wali, pl. awliya) is pervasive throughout the Muslim world. Such individuals are often associated with Sufism, or Islamic... Show moreBelief in the existence and powers of ‘saints’ or ‘friend of God’ (wali, pl. awliya) is pervasive throughout the Muslim world. Such individuals are often associated with Sufism, or Islamic mysticism, though the notion of human perfection probably developed first among the ShI’a. Show less
‘The Musafirkhana was beautiful. It gave you a feeling for work. You were surrounded by nice woodwork, calligraphy and coloured glass windows. You were in the centre of Cairo, but you didn’t hear... Show more‘The Musafirkhana was beautiful. It gave you a feeling for work. You were surrounded by nice woodwork, calligraphy and coloured glass windows. You were in the centre of Cairo, but you didn’t hear any noise. ’Painter Mohammed Abla is soft-spoken yet very angry. Standing in the courtyard of the burned Musafirkhana palace in the heart of Islamic Cairo, Abla sighs and moans. For 21 years he had his studio in this late 18th-century Ottoman palace. In the '60s, the then Minister of Culture, Sarwat Okasha, had decided in a fit of wisdom to provide studios for artists in the Musafirkhana. Show less
Mass Culture and Modernism in Egypt began as my dissertation research. My plan was to write about concepts of the person in Egypt, and one of my sources was to be media, though this was not... Show moreMass Culture and Modernism in Egypt began as my dissertation research. My plan was to write about concepts of the person in Egypt, and one of my sources was to be media, though this was not necessarily to be the primary focus of the research. At the outset, my plans were quite flexible. I was interested in the relation of local identity to practices associated with both foreign and ‘classical’ Islamic ideals. Show less
The discourse on education in Egypt uses key terms such as reform and crisis. It is rare to find a society that is satisfied with its educational system. What seems important here is to analyse... Show moreThe discourse on education in Egypt uses key terms such as reform and crisis. It is rare to find a society that is satisfied with its educational system. What seems important here is to analyse that which is considered as related to education. In other words, to what extent education is considered among the major causes of societal problems or, as the magic solution to these problems. Show less