This paper describes the possible predication strategies in MakhuwaEnahara and under what circumstances each occurs. Makhuwa-Enahara (Bantu P31E) has three main copular constructions: Predicative... Show moreThis paper describes the possible predication strategies in MakhuwaEnahara and under what circumstances each occurs. Makhuwa-Enahara (Bantu P31E) has three main copular constructions: Predicative Lowering, the invariant copulas ti (affirmative) and kahi (negative), and the verbal copulas ori and okhala. It was previously posited that the choice between predication strategies depended on the syntactic type of the predicate, but further analysis shows that deference is instead given to the semantic type of the predication. The underlying structures of Makhuwa-Enahara are identical for Equation, Predication, and Identification; Specification shows a different structure, and Locative predication yet another. Predicative Lowering and the invariant copula are argued to be different spell-outs of the Pred head, depending on its raised position within the syntactic tree and whether or not the initial element of the predicate is long enough to undergo Predicative Lowering. Show less
Determiner spreading, the phenomenon whereby adnominal modifiers carry an ‘additional’ determiner, has been studied extensively for a variety of languages, most notably Greek, Semitic, and... Show moreDeterminer spreading, the phenomenon whereby adnominal modifiers carry an ‘additional’ determiner, has been studied extensively for a variety of languages, most notably Greek, Semitic, and Scandinavian languages. Interestingly, the same phenomenon occurs in the Bantu language Rukiga. We show how the Rukiga augment is parallel to the Greek determiner in the context of modification, and how it triggers a restrictive reading when present on a larger class of modifiers than familiar so far: relative clauses, adjectives, possessives, and certain quantifiers. Considering its morphosyntactic and interpretational properties, we propose that the variation in the presence versus absence of the augment on modifiers is due to different underlying structures, applying an analysis of determiner spreading in terms of a reduced relative clause structure. Show less
This paper describes the main formal and interpretational properties of Kinyakyusa subject inversion. Kinyakyusa features only one type of inversion, Agreeing Inversion, whereby the subject marker... Show moreThis paper describes the main formal and interpretational properties of Kinyakyusa subject inversion. Kinyakyusa features only one type of inversion, Agreeing Inversion, whereby the subject marker agrees with the postverbal subject. Predicates of all valencies are allowed, but with a transitive predicate, only the subject can appear as a postverbal NP, and the object must be either dislocated or pronominalised. The postverbal subject (as opposed to the preverbal subject) seems to require a contrastive interpretation, either contrasting with alternatives, or contrasting with expectations. Show less
This study sets out to investigate the insubordinated infinitive in the Bantu language Makhuwa-Enahara (P31, northern Mozambique), which is used with feeling predicates that have passive... Show moreThis study sets out to investigate the insubordinated infinitive in the Bantu language Makhuwa-Enahara (P31, northern Mozambique), which is used with feeling predicates that have passive experiencers. The expression of bodily feelings and emotions in Makhuwa serves as a foundation, highlighting the unique formal and interpretational properties of the insubordinated infinitive within the domain of feelings. Show less
This book explores variation in Bantu subject and object marking on the basis of data from 75 Bantu languages. It specifically addresses the question of which features are involved in agreement and... Show moreThis book explores variation in Bantu subject and object marking on the basis of data from 75 Bantu languages. It specifically addresses the question of which features are involved in agreement and nominal licensing, and examines how parametric variation in those features accounts for the settings and patterns that are attested crosslinguistically. Jenneke van der Wal proposes a novel syntactic analysis that takes into account not only phi agreement, but also nominal licensing and information structure. A Person feature, associated with animacy, definiteness, or givenness, is shown to be responsible for differential object agreement, while at the same time accounting for doubling vs. non-doubling object marking - a hybrid solution to a long-standing debate. In addition, low functional heads are assumed to be able to Case-license flexibly downwards or upwards, depending on the relative topicality of the two arguments involved. This accounts for the properties of symmetric object marking in ditransitives and for subject inversion constructions. The correlations between the proposed featural parameters reveal new striking patterns that provide evidence in favour of an emergentist view of features and parameters and against both Strong Uniformity and Strong Modularity. Show less
This project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 707404” LEaDing FellowsFor Bjorkman... Show moreThis project has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Skłodowska-Curie grant agreement No 707404” LEaDing FellowsFor Bjorkman and Zeijlstra (2019), Agree consists of two operations: checking and valuation. Checking involves (a) probing, always upward from an uninterpretable feature [uF] to an interpretable feature [iF] c-commanding it, and (b) [iF]’s checking [uF]. Valuation generally happens downward, with the valuer c-commanding the valuee. Upward valuation, in which the probe c-commands the goal, is exceptional and only occurs if downward valuation has failed. In this reply, we argue that this approach is not supported empirically. We present data from Matengo, German, Serbo-Croatian, Sambaa, Liko, and Nez Perce, arguing that upward valuation must be available more generally than Bjorkman and Zeijlstra suggest. Show less
In addition to the stem and noun class prefix, the structure of nouns in Bantu languages may contain an augment. This augment typically is a vowel, but some languages show a CV augment.... Show moreIn addition to the stem and noun class prefix, the structure of nouns in Bantu languages may contain an augment. This augment typically is a vowel, but some languages show a CV augment. Interestingly, the Bantu language Kinyakyusa shows nouns with a V as well as with a CV prefix, both of which have been analysed as augments (De Blois 1970). In this short paper we clarify the formal and functional properties of the ‘CV augment’ in Kinyakyusa. First we show that it does not behave like the V augment, but is a separate marker that is attached to the noun phrase. Second, we narrow down the previous analyses of the CV marker that describe it as ‘emphatic’ (De Blois 1970, Persohn 2020): On the basis of a range of focus tests, we argue that the CV marker functions as a marker of exhaustivity. This is remarkable, as exhaustive focus is in Bantu languages typically associated with marking in the clause and not on the noun itself. Show less
Given the fact that parts of idioms cannot trigger alternatives in their idiomatic reading, and the requirement that focus triggers alternatives, parts of idioms are predicted to not be focusable.... Show moreGiven the fact that parts of idioms cannot trigger alternatives in their idiomatic reading, and the requirement that focus triggers alternatives, parts of idioms are predicted to not be focusable. Idioms can thus be used to test focus constructions, except idioms that refer to useless tasks (‘carrying coals to Newcastle’), presumably because of their transparent and scalar semantics. Show less
In this paper, we capture the crosslinguistic variation in Bantu nominal structure in a unified analysis of gender on n (Kramer 2014, 2015). We demonstrate that this analysis accounts for the... Show moreIn this paper, we capture the crosslinguistic variation in Bantu nominal structure in a unified analysis of gender on n (Kramer 2014, 2015). We demonstrate that this analysis accounts for the morphosyntactic properties of basic nouns as well as locative and diminutive derivations. Moreover, it allows us to capture intra- and inter-language morphosyntactic variation by reference to just three parameters – one strictly morphological and two structural. The presence of one or two n heads, and the size of the complement distinguish between different types of locatives (structural variation); the presence or absence of a spell-out rule of adjacent n heads differentiates “stacking” versus “non-stacking” prefixes in diminutive and augmentative derivations (morphological variation only). Show less
In the project ‘Bantu Syntax and Information Structure’ (BaSIS) we want to learn about the expression of information structure in Bantu languages. Which linguistic strategies do Bantu languages use... Show moreIn the project ‘Bantu Syntax and Information Structure’ (BaSIS) we want to learn about the expression of information structure in Bantu languages. Which linguistic strategies do Bantu languages use to mark the focus of a sentence, for example, or for shifting to another topic? This is important because information structure has a fundamental impact on the grammar of Bantu languages. It is therefore crucial to investigate information structure so that we can fully describe and understand these languages.For each individual language, we want to systematically discover which strategies are used for which functions in information structure. In order to do that, two things are required: on the one hand we need to gather the relevant data, and on the other hand we need to understand how we can draw the right conclusions from these data. This document aims to help in both the data gathering and the understanding. If you read and work your way through it, by the end you can explain the key concepts in information structure, you know which tests can be used to diagnose the meaning of a linguistic strategy, and you can draw conclusions about form/meaning mapping on the basis of the data that you gather from understudied languages. The document consists of three parts. Part I presents and explains various notions in information structure. This part is built up step by step, with exercises in between. These exercises are included to help you to reflect on the notions and diagnostics for yourself, and thereby better understand the material. It is recommended to do the exercises before reading on, because they stimulate you to think and therefore retain the knowledge better. The key to the exercises can be found at the end of Part I. Part II contains a series of diagnostics to be conducted in collaboration with a native speaker informant. This is the key methodology for the BaSIS project, and with its results we can draw well-motivated conclusions on the expression of information structure in each language. Part III provides diagnostics for abstract Case and nominal licensing. This is also of essence to the BaSIS project, because the hypothesis underlying the BaSIS project is that nominal licensing is fundamentally influenced by information structure in the Bantu languages. Show less
The Bantu language Rukiga (JE14, Uganda) shows tonal reduction on the verb in a subset of tenses, similar to the conjoint/disjoint alternation in Haya. Whereas in other languages the conjoint... Show moreThe Bantu language Rukiga (JE14, Uganda) shows tonal reduction on the verb in a subset of tenses, similar to the conjoint/disjoint alternation in Haya. Whereas in other languages the conjoint/disjoint alternation is usually marked by segmental morphology in at least one tense, Rukiga is unique in showing only tonal reduction. Nevertheless, our analysis shows that tonal reduction in Rukiga is not merely a phonological rule, but it encodes the conjoint/disjoint alternation. Furthermore, we show that tonal reduction in Rukiga is determined by constituent-finality, and there is no direct relation to focus. Show less
The Bantu languages show much variation in object marking, two parameters being (1) their behaviour in ditransitives (symmetric or asymmetric) and (2) the number of object markers allowed (single... Show moreThe Bantu languages show much variation in object marking, two parameters being (1) their behaviour in ditransitives (symmetric or asymmetric) and (2) the number of object markers allowed (single or multiple). This paper reveals that a combination of these parameter settings in a sample of 50+ Bantu languages results in an almost-gap, the AWSOM correlation: “asymmetry wants single object marking”. A Minimalist featural analysis is presented of Bantu object marking as agreement with a defective goal (van der Wal 2015) and parametric variation in the distribution of 𝜙 features on low functional heads (e.g. Appl) accounts for both the AWSOM and Sambaa as the one exception to the AWSOM. Show less
This book celebrates Maarten Mous, professor of African Linguistics at Leiden University. For many people engaged in the field of African linguistics (and beyond), Maarten has been a teacher, an... Show moreThis book celebrates Maarten Mous, professor of African Linguistics at Leiden University. For many people engaged in the field of African linguistics (and beyond), Maarten has been a teacher, an engaged colleague, and an inspiration. On the occasion of his 65th birthday, the present volume offers essays written by his former and current PhD students. The volume is divided into four sections: Language in use and contact, Morphosyntax, Number and numerals, and Phonology. It contains 25 articles and presents a variety of disciplinary and regional approaches to African linguistics. Show less
A movement asymmetry arises in some languages that are otherwise symmetrical for both A- and A-movement in the double object construction, including Norwegian, North-West British English, and a... Show moreA movement asymmetry arises in some languages that are otherwise symmetrical for both A- and A-movement in the double object construction, including Norwegian, North-West British English, and a range of Bantu languages including Zulu and Lubukusu: a Theme object can be A-moved out of a Recipient (Goal) passive, but not vice versa. Our explanation of this asymmetry is based on phase theory- more specifically, a stricter version of the Phase Impenetrability Condition proposed by Chomsky (2001). The effect is that, in a Theme passive, a Recipient object destined for the C-domain gets trapped within the lower V-related phase by movement of the Theme. The same effect is observed in Italian, a language in which only Theme passives are possible. A similar effect is also found in some Bantu languages in connection with object marking/agreement: object agreement with the Theme in a Recipient passive is possible, but not vice versa. We show that this, too, can be understood within the theory that we articulate. Show less
This paper provides evidence for a kind of nominal licensing (Vergnaud licensing) in a number of morphologically caseless languages. Recent work on Bantu languages has suggested that abstract Case... Show moreThis paper provides evidence for a kind of nominal licensing (Vergnaud licensing) in a number of morphologically caseless languages. Recent work on Bantu languages has suggested that abstract Case or nominal licensing should be parameterised (Diercks 2012, Van der Wal 2015a). With this is mind, we critically discuss the status of Vergnaud licensing in six languages lacking morphological case. While Luganda appears to systematically lack a Vergnaud licensing requirement, Makhuwa more consistently displays evidence in favour of it, as do all of the analytic languages that we survey (Mandarin, Yoruba, Jamaican Creole and Thai). We conclude that, while it seems increasingly problematic to characterise nominal licensing in terms of uninterpretable/abstract Case features, we nonetheless need to retain a (possibly universal) notion of nominal licensing, the explanation for which remains opaque. Show less
This thesis investigates the grammar of Makhuwa-Enahara, a Bantu language spoken in the north of Mozambique. The information structure is an influential factor in this language, determining the... Show moreThis thesis investigates the grammar of Makhuwa-Enahara, a Bantu language spoken in the north of Mozambique. The information structure is an influential factor in this language, determining the word order and the use of special conjugations known as conjoint and disjoint verb forms. The thesis consists of two parts. The first part is a grammatical description of the language, covering the basic properties in the phonology, prosody and morphology of the nominal and verbal domain, as well as an overview of the conjugational system. The chapter also examines some syntactic issues, such as relativisation and non-verbal predication. The second part is concerned with the question how syntax and information structure interact in Makhuwa-Enahara. The elements in a sentence are positioned before or after the verb on the basis of their information structure. Elements in the preverbal domain are interpreted as more accessible, functioning as topics. The disjoint verb and elements in the postverbal domain form the comment. The element immediately following the conjoint verb form is interpreted not just as new information, but as exclusive, meaning that the proposition holds for that referent and not for (some) other referents. These data can be accounted for if insights from syntax and information structure are combined. Two such approaches are discussed: a cartographic model and an interface model. Two interface rules are proposed to account for the interpretation of word order and the conjoint and disjoint verb forms in Makhuwa-Enahara. Show less
