This article aims to enrich the literature on EU sanctions in two ways. First, it argues that the absence of material sanctions does not imply a non-response. When faced with human rights... Show moreThis article aims to enrich the literature on EU sanctions in two ways. First, it argues that the absence of material sanctions does not imply a non-response. When faced with human rights violations, policymakers enjoy a third option besides exerting material pressure or refraining from intervening. They may instead employ what constructivist scholars call social sanctions. This option consists of verbally calling out the violators, either publicly, through a naming-and-shaming strategy, or diplomatically via political dialogue and demarches. Social sanctions can be a credible alternative or complement to material sanctions. Second, we argue for the importance of disaggregating the EU as a sender of sanctions. A non-response by executive institutions does not mean that the EU as a whole is standing idly by. Looking at social sanctions alongside material ones more accurately describes the choices policymakers face when designing their response to human rights violations. We demonstrate the value of our arguments by examining the EU’s various responses to LGBTI rights violations in Lithuania and Uganda. Show less
As the number of European countries that recognise same-sex unions increases, so does the number of countries that resists this institution. This trend runs counter to the conventional wisdom,... Show moreAs the number of European countries that recognise same-sex unions increases, so does the number of countries that resists this institution. This trend runs counter to the conventional wisdom, which links anti-LGBTI policies to domestic demands and developments. Instead, this paper argues that political homophobia needs to be situated within an international context. Using the Slovak case as a plausibility probe, the article shows that the bans on same-sex marriage were adopted as a precautionary measure: worried by the growing support for LGBTI rights elsewhere in Europe, conservative lawmakers feared that their traditional family values would come under threat. Show less
As the number of European countries that recognise same-sex unions increases, so does the number of countries that resists this institution. This trend runs counter to the conventional wisdom,... Show moreAs the number of European countries that recognise same-sex unions increases, so does the number of countries that resists this institution. This trend runs counter to the conventional wisdom, which links anti-LGBTI policies to domestic demands and developments. Instead, this paper argues that political homophobia needs to be situated within an international context. Using the Slovak case as a plausibility probe, the article shows that the bans on same-sex marriage were adopted as a precautionary measure: worried by the growing support for LGBTI rights elsewhere in Europe, conservative lawmakers feared that their traditional family values would come under threat. Show less
European Union values such as human dignity and non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation are enshrined in treaties and therefore not subject to discussion. However, because the... Show moreEuropean Union values such as human dignity and non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation are enshrined in treaties and therefore not subject to discussion. However, because the European Union does not have the tools for defining or enforcing its values, the Religious Right can exploit this ambiguity through strategic framing and norm contestation. I show how this played out for European Citizens' Initiatives on sexual and reproductive health and rights ('One of Us') and marriage and the family ('Mum, Dad & Kids'). The petitioners pursued traditionally conservative goals, yet relied on technical, rather than moral or religious, arguments. Show less
European Union values such as human dignity and non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation are enshrined in treaties and therefore not subject to discussion. However, because the... Show moreEuropean Union values such as human dignity and non-discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation are enshrined in treaties and therefore not subject to discussion. However, because the European Union does not have the tools for defining or enforcing its values, the Religious Right can exploit this ambiguity through strategic framing and norm contestation. I show how this played out for European Citizens' Initiatives on sexual and reproductive health and rights ('One of Us') and marriage and the family ('Mum, Dad & Kids'). The petitioners pursued traditionally conservative goals, yet relied on technical, rather than moral or religious, arguments. Show less
