This book explores the relationship between plantation labour and gender in Africa, particularly Cameroon. It demonstrates that the introduction of plantation labour during colonial rule has had... Show moreThis book explores the relationship between plantation labour and gender in Africa, particularly Cameroon. It demonstrates that the introduction of plantation labour during colonial rule has had significant consequences for gender roles and relations within and beyond the capitalist labour process. These effects have been quite ambivalent, being marked by both profound changes and remarkable continuities. The book focuses on two tea estates established in anglophone Cameroon in the 1950s, the Tole Estate and the Ndu Estate, the first employing mainly female pluckers, the second mainly male pluckers. This allows for an examination of the variations in male and female workers' modes of resistance to the control and exploitation they meet in the labour process. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Neoliberalism has become the dominant development agenda in Africa, but neoliberal experiments have displayed a remarkable diversity in different countries. This book focuses on Cameroon, where... Show moreNeoliberalism has become the dominant development agenda in Africa, but neoliberal experiments have displayed a remarkable diversity in different countries. This book focuses on Cameroon, where the neoliberal project has been influenced by the nation's complex economic and political history. Currently, the country is witnessing resistance to the neoliberal experiment by the authoritarian and neopatrimonial elite, as well as various civil society groups. The book examines elite opposition to the neoliberal reforms imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions and Western donors, the role of the Social Democratic Front (SDF), the effects of two key policy prescriptions of the neoliberal agenda, namely privatization and global open markets, political liberalization and the secessionist movement in Anglophone Cameroon, the link between privatization, good governance and ethnoregional conflict, the border dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria, China-Cameroon relations in the era of neoliberal globalization, political liberalization and the 1990-1996 student revolt, innovative activities of the youth in Douala to cope with the economic crisis, trade unionism and globalization, and changes in the position of workers on the Ndu Tea Estate during the economic crisis and liberalization. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This book discusses the consequences of the economic and financial crisis that befell the Cameroonian agro-industrial sector in the 1980s, using as a case study the plantation economy of the... Show moreThis book discusses the consequences of the economic and financial crisis that befell the Cameroonian agro-industrial sector in the 1980s, using as a case study the plantation economy of the anglophone region of Cameroon. Two agro-industrial enterprises have dominated the plantation sector: a huge parastatal enterprise, the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), and a private company, Plantations Pamol du Cameroun Ltd, a subsidiary of Unilever. The crisis of the 1980s brought both companies to the verge of collapse and led to a number of neoliberal economic reforms, including the withdrawal of State intervention and the restructuring, liquidation and privatization of the agro-industrial enterprises. These reforms in turn had severe consequences for several civil society groups that had a direct stake in the plantation economy, notably the regional elite, chiefs, plantation workers and their unions, and contract farmers. The study shows that these groups have never resigned themselves to their fate but have been actively involved in a variety of formal and informal methods of resistance. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Civil society and empowerment have become buzz words in neoliberal development discourse. Yet many unanswered questions remain on the actual nature and configuration assumed by civil society in... Show moreCivil society and empowerment have become buzz words in neoliberal development discourse. Yet many unanswered questions remain on the actual nature and configuration assumed by civil society in specific contexts. Typically, while neoliberals perceive civil-society organisations as vital intermediary channels for the successful implementation of desired economic and political reforms, they are inclined to blame the current resurgence of the politics of belonging for the poor record of these reforms in Africa and elsewhere. This book rejects such notions and argues that the relationship between civil society and the politics of belonging is more complex in Africa than western donors and scholars are willing to admit. Konings argues that ethno-regional associations and movements are even more significant constituents of civil society in Africa than the conventional civil-society organisations that are often uncritically imposed or endorsed. He convincingly shows how the politics of belonging, so pervasive in Cameroon, and indeed much of Africa, during the current neoliberal economic and political reforms, has tended to penetrate the entire range of associational life. This calls for a critical re-appraisal of prevalent notions and assumptions about civil society in the interest of African reality. Hence the importance of this book! Show less
During the current economic and political crisis in sub-Saharan Africa, urban dwellers tend to display a large measure of creativity in the invention of survival strategies, the development of... Show moreDuring the current economic and political crisis in sub-Saharan Africa, urban dwellers tend to display a large measure of creativity in the invention of survival strategies, the development of social networks, and the construction of imaginative practices. This collective volume explores the importance of the urban neighbourhood in these creative processes. Two different approaches to the neighbourhood are pinpointed. The first perceives the neighbourhood as a geographical domain in which people are engaged in a variety of activities to advance their material and immaterial well-being, making use of the 'wealth' of opportunities, assets and forms of 'capital' (natural, physical, financial, human and social). The second approach sees the neighbourhood not as necessarily geographically bounded, but as created and defined by human beings. These 'neighbourhoods' may take the form of self-help organizations, associations, churches, etc. or may be based on gender, generational, ethnic and occupational identities. The two approaches do not necessarily exclude each other. The volume contains contributions on Nakuru, Kenya (Samuel OwuorandDick Foeken), Douala, Cameroon (Piet Konings; Basile Ndjio), Kampala, Uganda (Emmanuel Nkurunziza), Kano, Nigeria (Katja Werthmann), Accra, Ghana (Deborah Pellow), Dar es Salaam, Tanzania (Eileen Moyer), Lom‚, Togo (Charles Piot), Mongo, Chad (Mirjam de Bruijn), and Aioun el Atrouss, Mauritania (Kiky van Til). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The importance of student politics in Africa during economic and political liberalization cannot be underestimated. However, this study of anglophone students in Cameroon cautions against treating... Show moreThe importance of student politics in Africa during economic and political liberalization cannot be underestimated. However, this study of anglophone students in Cameroon cautions against treating students as a homogeneous group. It shows that although anglophone students today feel even more marginalized than their francophone counterparts, they have actually displayed a rather ambivalent attitude towards the francophone-dominated State. The author first describes the development of anglophone nationalism and discusses the role of anglophone students in their struggle against francophone dominance. He argues that anglophone students have played a vanguard role in anglophone protest actions in the wake of Paul Biya's accession to power in 1982. He then describes two new anglophone youth organizations which emerged during political liberalization and which differ in their attitude towards the francophone-dominated State: the Southern Cameroons Youth League (SCYL), which supports the main aim of the anglophone struggle - the creation of an independent anglophone State, and President Biya's Youths (PRESBY), which is opposed to the anglophone struggle and has expressed its loyalty to President Biya in exchange for a share in the diminishing pool of State resources. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Recent studies of African boundaries have tended to focus either on the growing number of border disputes between States or on frontier regions that are said to offer local inhabitants a wide... Show moreRecent studies of African boundaries have tended to focus either on the growing number of border disputes between States or on frontier regions that are said to offer local inhabitants a wide range of economic opportunities. This article combines both approaches and demonstrates the ambiguous nature of the Anglophone Cameroon-Nigeria border. On the one hand, the border has been subject to regular skirmishes between Cameroon and Nigeria, culminating in a protracted war over the sovereignty of the Bakassi peninsula - an area rich in oil reserves. On the other hand, it has for historical and economic reasons never constituted a real barrier to cross-border movements of labour and goods. The large Nigerian migrant community in Anglophone Cameroon, in particular, has been able to benefit from formal and informal cross-border trade for a long time. Unsurprisingly, its dominant position in the host community's commercial sector has been a continuous source of conflict. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
Academic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of autonomy versus the state in a number of West African countries since independence, enabling them... Show moreAcademic staff trade unions in universities have succeeded in preserving a considerable degree of autonomy versus the state in a number of West African countries since independence, enabling them to play a significant role in the defence of their members' interests. Cameroon forms an exception in the region as it was not until political liberalisation in the early 1990s that an autonomous academic staff trade union emerged there. This article examines the role of this trade union amidst the deep crisis bedevilling the university system in Cameroon. Faced with apparent government insensitivity to its demands, it has displayed a considerable degree of militancy but its failure to achieve important gains for its members has, it will be argued, been mainly due to the government's evasive and repressive strategies. Only recently have the government and the university authorities become more prepared to solve university teachers' contractual problems and grievances through dialogue and negotiation. Show less
This article examines the historical process leading to the emergence of Anglophone nationalism in public space during the liberalisation process in the 1990s in Cameroon. Anglophone nationalism... Show moreThis article examines the historical process leading to the emergence of Anglophone nationalism in public space during the liberalisation process in the 1990s in Cameroon. Anglophone nationalism poses a severe threat to the post-colonial State's nation-building project that has been driven by the firm determination of the Francophone political elite to dominate the Anglophone minority and to erase the cultural and the institutional foundations of Anglophone identity. Persistent attempts by the Francophone-dominated State to control the newly created Anglophone movements have made Anglophone nationalists resort to less obtrusive forms of resistance, creating public space for an Anglophone identity and nationhood in historical, artistic, virtual, legal and everyday domains. Bibliographical references, notes, and summary in English and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Privatization has become a cornerstone of the linkage between good governance and structural adjustment as formulated by Western donors and creditors. This case study of Cameroon, however, shows... Show morePrivatization has become a cornerstone of the linkage between good governance and structural adjustment as formulated by Western donors and creditors. This case study of Cameroon, however, shows that privatization schemes have often failed to promote any transparency and accountability in public-sector reforms or to encourage greater participation of civil society in the decisionmaking process. Instead, privatization schemes have frequently led to vehement protests from ethno-regional organizations, particularly when they have felt excluded from the sale of vital regional public enterprises to well-placed nationals or to foreign-owned enterprises. This is illustrated by the case of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC). Bibliogr., notes, ref. sum. in English, French and German. [Journal abstract, edited] Show less
This chapter examines the opposition of Bakweri chiefs in Anglophone Cameroon to the government announcement, on 15 July 1994, of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC),... Show moreThis chapter examines the opposition of Bakweri chiefs in Anglophone Cameroon to the government announcement, on 15 July 1994, of the privatization of the Cameroon Development Corporation (CDC), one of the oldest and largest agroindustrial parastatals of the country. The chiefs claimed Bakweri ownership of CDC lands and felt betrayed at not having been consulted about the privatization of CDC. The chapter demonstrates that the current resistance to CDC privatization is part of the chiefs' long-standing struggle for the return of the vast Bakweri lands that were expropriated during German colonial rule and, later, leased by the British Trust Authority to the newly created CDC. In this endeavour, the chiefs have always been supported by the Bakweri 'modern' elite. This alliance of 'modern' and 'traditional' elites has forced the government to postpone the privatization of CDC and to enter into negotiations with the original landowners. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political... Show moreThis article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political restructuring of the State? Has political liberalization constrained or enhanced their political influence and ability to defend their members' interests? The article offers a comparative study of the role of trade unions in two African countries, Ghana and Cameroon. Trade union responses to economic and political liberalization appear to be quite different in these countries: generally positive in Ghana and clearly negative in Cameroon. The author argues that a range of factors is responsible for this situation, including differences in the impact of structural adjustment, the nature of the State and State-society relations, the organizational capacity of the unions, their relationship with political parties and other civil-society organizations, and their search for innovative ways to respond to neoliberal reforms. In Ghana, there have been significant changes in State-trade union relations, while the Cameroonian case has been characterized by a remarkable degree of continuity in these relations. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This article explores the reasons for, and the repercussions of, a virulent and protracted crisis in the South West Province of anglophone Cameroon during the 1990s caused by the emergence of a... Show moreThis article explores the reasons for, and the repercussions of, a virulent and protracted crisis in the South West Province of anglophone Cameroon during the 1990s caused by the emergence of a Pentecostalism-inspired revival movement within the Roman Catholic Church. The so-called Maranatha movement and main-line Catholicism were viewed by both parties as incompatible, almost leading to a schism within the Church. The originally internal Church dispute gradually became a particularly explosive issue in the region when the politics of belonging, fuelled by the government and the regional elite during political liberalization, became pervasive. Includes bibliographical references, notes and summaries in English and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Political liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This... Show morePolitical liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This book focuses on Anglophone Cameroon, a region characterized by a widespread feeling that reunification with Francophone Cameroon in 1961 has led to a growing marginalization of the Anglophone minority. The book traces the historical trajectory of Anglophone Cameroon to reunification and outlines the strategies used by the Francophone-dominated State to undermine the identity of Anglophone Cameroon, the emergence of Anglophone organizations in the aftermath of political liberalization in the 1990s, the strategies employed by the Biya government to deconstruct the Anglophone identity, and Anglophone and Francophone responses to the Anglophone movements' views. It pays special attention to two of the major confrontations between the government and the Anglophones, namely the struggles for the preservation of the Anglophone educational and economic legacies. The book concludes with some suggestions on how the present stalemate between the regime and the Anglophone movement could be broken. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided... Show moreThe political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided space for students to organize and voice their multiple grievances about the poor living and study conditions on campus as well as the process of "institutional liberalization", which blocked their pursuit of upward mobility. The unprecedented degree of violence that accompanied the protracted strikes may be attributed not only to the persistent refusal of the university authorities and the regime to enter into any meaningful form of dialogue with the students, but also to the internal divisions among the students along party and ethnoregional lines. The major lines of division were between two groups: the "stranger" students organized in the Students' Parliament and closely allied to the radical opposition; and the "autochthonous" Beti students organized in the Committee for Self-Defense and the Beti militia and closely allied to the regime in power. In their fight with Parliament, the latter groups resorted to violent forms of ethnic exclusion to reestablish control over what they considered to be their university and to maintain their regime in power. (Journal abstract) Show less
