This article focuses on large-scale petitioning campaigns, or petitionnementen as they were called, organized between 1828 and 1878, including contemporary reflections and debates on this new... Show moreThis article focuses on large-scale petitioning campaigns, or petitionnementen as they were called, organized between 1828 and 1878, including contemporary reflections and debates on this new phenomenon. Although there were only a handful of petitionnementen, they had a remarkable impact—not only on the issues at hand but also on the balance of power between Crown, Cabinet, Parliament, and people. Mass petitions necessarily challenged the political system, whose legitimacy was based on elections under a limited franchise. Based on parliamentary reports, pamphlets, and other sources reflecting on petitioning in general and the petitionnementen more specifically, this article asks how petitioners claimed legitimacy, and how politicians and other observers responded to those claims. Special attention is given to the international context within which Dutch petitioning practices developed. The article focuses on three case studies, representing the major petitioning campaigns of this period: the Southern petition movements of 1828–1830 that were a catalyst for the Belgian revolution (thus reinforcing the association between mass petitioning and revolution), the Anti-Catholic "April Movement" of 1853, and the so-called People's Petitionnement of 1878, against the liberal education law. Remarkably enough, in the Netherlands it was not progressive reformers, but most prominently conservative Orthodox Protestants who organized petitionnementen. Show less
This project discusses critical voices that have challenged the dominant colonial narrative in the context of the Dutch East Indies/Indonesia. The project combines journalistic and academic writing... Show moreThis project discusses critical voices that have challenged the dominant colonial narrative in the context of the Dutch East Indies/Indonesia. The project combines journalistic and academic writing with musical performance and film making to amplify these voices and to analyse why they have long been ignored in the public and academic debate. Show less
Dit artikelanalyseert hoe in de negentiende eeuw gesproken werd over petities in hetalgemeen en grootschalige petities in het bijzonder. Rond 1828 was dit eenrelatief nieuw fenomeen, dat in de... Show moreDit artikelanalyseert hoe in de negentiende eeuw gesproken werd over petities in hetalgemeen en grootschalige petities in het bijzonder. Rond 1828 was dit eenrelatief nieuw fenomeen, dat in de halve eeuw die erop volgde ook spaarzaamwerd ingezet. Al waren er maar weinig ‘petitionnementen’, zoals georkestreerdelandelijke petities werden aangeduid, ze hadden een opmerkelijke impact. Soms ophet beleid rond kwesties die ze aansneden, maar vaker nog op demachtsverhoudingen tussen kroon, kabinet, vertegenwoordigers en volk.Petitionnementen vormden uit de aard der zaak een kritiek op het politiekesysteem. De legitimiteit van dat systeem was namelijk gebaseerd op verkiezingenonder een zeer beperkt kiesrecht, en ook niet-kiezers eisten door middel vangrootschalige petities het recht op invloed uit te oefenen op de politieke besluitvorming. Op basis vanparlementaire verslagen, pamfletten en andere bronnen waarin de legitimiteitvan petities werd besproken, gaat dit artikel na hoe petitionarissenlegitimiteit claimden, en hoe politici en andere observatoren reageerden op dieclaims. De belangrijkste case studies vormen de Zuidelijke petitiebewegingenvan 1828-1830 die de opmaat vormden voor de Belgische revolutie (waarmee deassociatie tussen petitioneren en revolutie versterkt werd); de Aprilbewegingvan 1853 die zich tegen het herstel van de bisschoppelijke hiërarchie uitsprak,en het Volkspetitionnement van 1878 tegen de liberale schoolwet. Show less
This book explores the new types of political organization that emerged in Western Europe and the United States during the nineteenth century, from popular meetings to single-issue organizations... Show moreThis book explores the new types of political organization that emerged in Western Europe and the United States during the nineteenth century, from popular meetings to single-issue organizations and political parties. The development of these has often been used to demonstrate a movement towards democratic representation or political institutionalization. This volume challenges the idea that the development of ‘democracy’ is a story of rise and progress at all. It is rather a story of continuous but never completely satisfying attempts of interpreting the rule of the people. Taking the perspective of nineteenth-century organizers as its point of departure, this study shows that contemporaries hardly distinguished between petitioning, meeting and association. The attraction of organizing was that it promised representation, accountability and popular participation. Only in the twentieth century did parties reliable partners for the state in averting revolution, managing the unpredictable effects of universal suffrage, and reforming society. This collection analyzes them in their earliest stage, as just one of several types of civil society organizations, that did not differ that much from each other. The promise of organization, and the experiments that resulted from it, deeply impacted modern politics. Show less
Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835... Show moreTaking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a more divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things. Show less
