Religiously inspired violence is a global phenomenon and connects to transnational narratives, necessitating comparative analysis of socio-historical context and patterns of ideological... Show moreReligiously inspired violence is a global phenomenon and connects to transnational narratives, necessitating comparative analysis of socio-historical context and patterns of ideological mobilization. Northeast Africa hosts several radical-extremist and terrorist groups, mostly of Muslim persuasion, tuned in to these global narratives while connecting to local interests. Christian radicalism and violence also occur but are less ideologically consistent and less widespread. I examine key aspects of the current role and ideological self-positioning of Islamist radicalism in state contexts, comparing Somalia, affected by Islamist violence since the late 1990s, and Ethiopia, where Islam's mobilization followed a different path and where the state so far contained politicization and open radicalism of Muslim groups. A brief contrastive case from Nigeria is also provided. It is observed that Islam, while of course not ‘equaling’ violence, easily provides a militant political theology, frequently instrumentalized in conflicts and situations of (perceived) grievance, and via mimetic rivalry then becomes radically ideological. Securitized response patterns of state authorities toward militancy play a role in furthering violent radicalization. I follow a sociological-anthropological approach but also refer to key aspects of national-legal frameworks regarding state and religion, next to societal and political bases of Muslim militant mobilization for collective aims and self-presentation. Show less
Pastoralist societies in Africa are claimed to be prone to violence due to structural conditions of environmental vulnerability, scarcity of resources and decentralized sociopolitical organization... Show morePastoralist societies in Africa are claimed to be prone to violence due to structural conditions of environmental vulnerability, scarcity of resources and decentralized sociopolitical organization. Their contacts with expanding State structures and with neighbouring groups in different socioeconomic conditions are seen to add to instability, due to the underlying hegemonic project of national States, while major economic and demographic changes also play a role. This paper presents a comparative overview of factors that come into play in the 'production of conflict' in and between pastoral societies, focusing on Northeast Africa. It contends that while conflict was a regular feature of life in traditional pastoral societies, its nature and frequency have significantly changed in the confrontation with State forces, whereby unresolved tensions between traditional and 'modern' judicial conflict regulation mechanisms play a role. External agencies approach these pastoral societies in conflict without paying proper attention to the larger political-economic context in which they operate and which constrains them in a political and ideological sense. A number of case studies reveal that structural instability in contemporary pastoral societies is usually not properly interpreted by outside agencies and not easily 'resolved'. App., bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
There has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era... Show moreThere has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era through the Italian and British colonial period, and State independence (1960-1991), to the present period of Statelessness. The focus is on a comparison of elements in the campaigns of revolt against the colonial States between 1900 and 1920 with those in the late Siyad Barre period (1988-1991) and the era of Statelessness (1991 onwards). A transformation of ideas of revolt and violent action has occurred in which Somali notions of egalitarian social order, kinship and local leadership have taken on a different shape. This prevented the institutionalization of crosscutting alliances and the emergence of a wider political arena - except in certain regions such as Somaliland and Puntland. The cultural and social unity of Somali society has always been overestimated. Somali political culture is by nature centrifugal, preventing the institutionalization of a legitimate leadership at State level but not at a regional clan level. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
L'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l... Show moreL'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l'identité de groupe et de la violence. Ces transformations apparaissent dans les relations changeantes entre la société locale et l'État dans la Corne de l'Afrique, où l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'interaction entre le niveau local et celui de l'État. Pour traiter du premier niveau, l'auteur décrit les évolutions qui se sont produites au sein d'une société agropastorale du sud de l'Éthiopie: les Suri sont un exemple typique d'une société locale transformée par la mondialisation. A cause de leur insertion dans des interactions plus larges au niveau régional et national, la violence qui était intégrée dans la culture est redéfinie, elle n'est plus ritualisée et elle devient plus instrumentale. L'étude du deuxième et troisième niveau se concentre sur l'évolution du cadre de la violence politique de l'État en Éthiopie et en Somalie. Les violences des groupes politiques et de l'État étaient étroitement liées à l'échec du projet de la modernisation des deux pays. Cependant, ces derniers sont très différents du point de vue des bases sociales et régionales sur lesquelles ils forment leur identité et se mobilisent politiquement. En définitive, l'article montre l'importance croissante des réponses violentes en tant que force de résistance dans le cadre de la mondialisation. Bibliogr., notes, réf., rés. en français (p. 201) et en anglais (p. 205) Show less
This article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In... Show moreThis article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In theoretical terms, the general question is addressed of how, on the elementary level of small-scale, relatively traditional society without stratification, central leadership and modern economic features, "violence" is constructed and performed, and how it partly defines the social persona and collectivity of this group, as opposed to others. The author asserts that, while the connections of the Suri with other ethno-cultural groups in a partially shared environment and contacts with State forces are not new - recent political, ecological and other developments have an important transformative impact on their patterns of violence. The past years have shown a serious crisis in the relations between the Chai and their neighbours. Both internal, thus far ritually contained Chai violence, as well as violence towards other groups, tends to break the bounds of custom and to turn into the uninhibited use of force. While it makes available new options for local people, the new violence tends to endanger the coexistence of groups as well as the peace in Chai society itself. Show less
This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the... Show moreThis article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion. Show less
Although the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form... Show moreAlthough the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form of locally entrenched, ethnic-based democracy, these are not yet fully in place in K„fa region in southern Ethiopia. This paper analyses the possibilities and constraints of the Ethiopian model by highlighting the increasing ethno-political tensions in this 'marginal' area, notably between the Dizi and the Suri in the Maji area. It examines the political and ecological factors which played a role in the recent upsurge of violence, and discusses the prospects for intervention and change. The paper is based on fieldwork carried out in the area during 1992 and 1993. Notes, ref Show less
