In migration studies, the focus usually is on global South- global North movements. As South-South migration constitutes a significant part of global movement, an important part of empirical... Show moreIn migration studies, the focus usually is on global South- global North movements. As South-South migration constitutes a significant part of global movement, an important part of empirical reality remains understudied. Several scholars have asserted that this negligence in scholarly research is due to a tendency of migration scholars to follow policy developments on migration in global North countries. This paper investigates this assumption by applying a systematic literature review, which focuses on empirical studies dealing with migration in a global South country: Morocco. A hub for multiple migration flows and balancing demands coming from both its African and European neighbours, this North African kingdom forms an interesting case study for investigating whether the perspective of global North policymakers dictates the research agendas of empirical migration scholars. We argue that although the empirical literature on migration to Morocco is rich, the themes and population groups that form the core of empirical scrutiny largely follow questions of political relevance in global North countries.This working paper is part of the socio-legal research project Living on the Other Side: A Multidisciplinary Analysis of Migration and Family Law in Morocco. The project is funded by the Dutch Research Council (NWO) through an Innovational Research Incentives Scheme (Vidi-grant). The project is carried out at the Van Vollenhoven Institute for Law & Society, Leiden Law School, NetherlandsShow less
يتعلق هذا المقال بالعدالة الانتقالية في ليبيا. وهو يُظهر أنه على الرغم من جدّة مفهومها هناك – وإن قصر البعض الجدّة على المصطلح- فإن البلاد قد شهدت زخمًا كبيرًا في سن تشريعات عدل-انتقالية، ولكن هذا... Show moreيتعلق هذا المقال بالعدالة الانتقالية في ليبيا. وهو يُظهر أنه على الرغم من جدّة مفهومها هناك – وإن قصر البعض الجدّة على المصطلح- فإن البلاد قد شهدت زخمًا كبيرًا في سن تشريعات عدل-انتقالية، ولكن هذا الزخم لم يقترن بزخم في التطبيق، بالإضافة إلى قصور شاب هذا التشريع، وربما كان هو سبب غياب الزخم عن التطبيق. وفي فترات لاحقة، لقيت العدالة الانتقالية، مفهومًا وتشريعًا، تشكيكًا في جدواها ومكنة تطبيقها، وظهرت دعوات لاستبعادها، كلًا أو جزءًا، دائمًا أو مؤقتًا؛ تحقيقًا للمصالحة الوطنية. وقد كان للسياق السياسي مذ 2011 أثر كبير في ظهور هذه الدعوات وتطورها، كما كان له أيضًا أثره فيما قُّدِمَ من استجابات. ويجادل المقال بأن علاقة العدالة الانتقالية بالمصالحة الوطنية ليست متنافية، أي أنه لا يلزم من الأخذ بإحداها نفي الأخرى، بل العكس؛ أي أنه يلزم لتحقيق مصالحة وطنية مستدامة الأخذ بالعدالة الانتقالية. ويجادل أيضًا بأنه، على الرغم من جسامة التحديات، ما زالت هناك فرص لتحقيق العدالة الانتقالية.English version: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/3512148 Show less
This article is about transitional justice in Libya. It shows that despite the novelty of this concept in Libya- some authors argued that term is new in Libya, but the concept is not1- the country... Show moreThis article is about transitional justice in Libya. It shows that despite the novelty of this concept in Libya- some authors argued that term is new in Libya, but the concept is not1- the country has witnessed great momentum in enacting transitional justice legislation. However, this momentum was not accompanied by a momentum in implementation, in addition to, and perhaps because of, shortcomings associated with this legislation. In later periods, the feasibility and application of transitional justice, in concept and legislation, was questioned, and calls appeared to exclude it, in whole or in part, permanently or temporarily, in order to achieve national reconciliation. The political context since 2011 has had a significant impact on the emergence and development of these calls. It also had an impact on the responses provided. The article argues that the relationship of transitional justice with national reconciliation is not mutually exclusive, meaning that it is not necessary if one is accepted that the other is denied, but rather the opposite; That is, to achieve sustainable national reconciliation, transitional justice is required. The article also argues that, despite the enormity of the challenges, there are still opportunities to achieve transitional justice.Arabic version: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/3563576 Show less
Wewerinke-Singh, M.J.; De Jong, I.; Adelman, S.; Biermann, F.; Burns, W.; Cramer, W.; ... ; Leach, M. 2022
The Internet is, at present, the world’s most efficient communication system and facilitates the mass dissemination of information (good and bad) instantaneously across the globe often exacerbating... Show moreThe Internet is, at present, the world’s most efficient communication system and facilitates the mass dissemination of information (good and bad) instantaneously across the globe often exacerbating any effective regulatory oversight. Though initially conceived by commentators and users as a speech utopia, the phenomena known as ‘fake news’ is contributing to concerns that the Internet is now in danger of becoming a dystopia for the free flow of information and ideas. With the problem of fake news endangering various topics, it is of particular importance when it affects news, reputation, political communication or other topics relevant for a contemporary and political public sphere. A study from June 2016 suggests more UK citizens get their news from social media than traditional media outlets. Analysts expect this number to increase in both the short and long-term. A recent study has shown that 62% of US citizens get their news via social media, yet the influence of voter decisions is unclear, there is some evidence that fake news has affected a small percentage of the electorate. Accordingly, in narrow electoral campaigns, governments are right to see fake news as a potential threat to democracy. The challenge for regulators is not over-regulating political speech in contradiction with our rights-based regimes. Central to the problem (and the solution) are digitally mediated platforms (DMPs), which now play a central role in an emerging eco-system of pseudo-governance, responsible for the cultivation of democracy and the constitutional freedoms of expression, information and assembly. Yet, at its heart, fake news is a deceptive communication. Part 1 examines the phenomena known as ‘fake news’ and its role in the landscape of fundamental rights of expression and media plurality. Part two of the paper offers a typology for determining deceptive communications. By breaking down the problem of fake news in this manner, one can better understand the scope and rationale for mapping regulatory solutions. Part three examines regulatory design focussing on extra-legal solutions to algorithmic processing to big data sets across DMPs. Part four examines the GDPR for any remedies to the problem of profiling and micro-targeting potential voters. Show less
Previous regulatory models for the online environment have been designed with a foundation and premise that users are fictional Homo Economicus – beings capable of optimizing all available... Show morePrevious regulatory models for the online environment have been designed with a foundation and premise that users are fictional Homo Economicus – beings capable of optimizing all available information into order to make sound decisions. Sometime these decisions will be rational and predictable. However, on other occasions users will make irrational, yet predictable mistakes; other times those errors will be unpredictably irrational. To overcome these shortcomings in rational economist models, behavioural economists like Daniel Kahneman, Amos Tversky and Richard Thaler and lawyers like Cass Sunstein have advocated using lessons from psychology to help people make better decisions. By deploying 'choice’ architecture to overcome less than rational decisions, Homo Sapiens can be 'nudged' to making better choices. Building from this foundation, our paper inquires what role big data may play in developing better regulation. For example, can insights from big data help to overcome erroneous assumptions that regulators may make about the way users rationally behave in online environments? What potential is there for harnessing ‘big data’ to provide insights into user behaviour? Can big data be used as an additional tool by lawmakers to improve regulatory settlements? Show less
