In this chapter we analyze the politics of policing, with a specific focus on policing agendas in the two largest cities in The Netherlands: Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Both metropolises are... Show moreIn this chapter we analyze the politics of policing, with a specific focus on policing agendas in the two largest cities in The Netherlands: Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Both metropolises are considered metropolises facing ‘glocal’ challenges related to multicultural populations in urban areas, social inequalities in terms of household income, international harbors, crime and disorder. The term ‘glocal’ refers to the interlinkages between global challenges and local communities. In order to get an understanding of the tendencies towards divergence and convergence in urban policing in the metropolises under study we start with a summary of general trends in policing in the Netherlands in the second section. In the third section national, regional and local governmental constitutional arrangements, discretionary powers and public police management are presented. The remainder of the chapter compares and contrasts policing agendas in Amsterdam and Rotterdam and concludes with an overview of their regimes and possible explanations for convergence and divergence in the politics of policing in these metropolises. The search for the regimes in the background of policing agendas in these two embedded case studies reveals both convergence and divergence towards the national agenda and between the agendas in both metropolises. Possible explanations for these trends could be found in the political ‘circuits of power’ (Devroe, Edwards, Ponsaers, this volume) of the municipal ruling coalition and in wider institutional arrangements in place. Show less
This volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why... Show moreThis volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why patterns of generational conflict and violent response among younger age groups in Africa are showing such a remarkably uneven spread across the continent. An introduction by Jon Abbink (Being young in Africa: the politics of despair and renewal) is follwed by three parts: 1. Historical perspectives on youth as agents of change (Murray Last on youth in Muslim northern Nigeria, 1750-2000; G. Thomas Burgess on youth in revolutionary Zanzibar); 2. State, crisis and the mobilization of youth (Peter Mwangi Kagwanja on youth identity and the politics of transition in Kenya, 1997-2002; Karel Arnaut on youth and the politics of history in C“te d'Ivoire; Jok Madut Jok on the position of youth in South Sudan; Piet Konings on anglophone university students and anglophone nationalist struggles in Cameroon; and Sara Rich Dorman on youth and politics in Eritrea); 3. Interventions: dealing with youth in crisis (Yves Marguerat on street children in Lom‚, Togo; Angela McIntyre on the phenomenon of child soldiers in Africa; Simon Simonse on failed Statehood and the violence of young male pastoralists in the Horn of Africa; and Krijn Peters on the reintegration of young ex-combatants in Sierra Leone). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Alcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic... Show moreAlcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic groups in society. The case study presented in this chapter highlights cultural aspects of social inequality and ethnic stratification by tracing the ambivalent connections between alcohol, power and cultural dominance in the Maji region of southern Ethiopia, where the author carried out fieldwork in 1995/1996. Maji society's 'drinking situation' reflects the area's history of divergent ethnocultural traditions and exposure of people to State narratives of civilization and governance. Historically, the local people, among them the Dizi, Me'en and Suri, were deemed politically and culturally less civilized by the central State and the northern immigrants. The Suri, as agropastoralist lowlanders, were considered especially coarse in their mannerisms and livelihood pursuits. Alcohol (ab)use is explained by many non-Suri northerners in the neighbouring villages as another example of the Suri's 'backward' social behaviour. This chapter explores the basis of such remarks and what they reveal about hegemonic relations and group prestige. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation... Show moreThis chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This is compared with developments in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, where the introduction of multiparty elections has generally resulted in women's marginalization in parliament. Comparison of the representation of women in parliament in the SADC region under the one-party State and after the democratic transition reveals that the tendency is towards better representation of women. Factors impacting on the representation of women in politics include a country's state of development, the quota system, women's pressure groups, and electoral systems. Linking the UNDP's gender-related development index (1998) to the representation in parliament-index, the author concludes that there is no visible relationship between women's representation in parliament and the quality of life for women in southern Africa. Notes, ref Show less
The outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the... Show moreThe outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the direct pre-electoral background; technical and national analysis of the general elections, including the performance of the Electoral Commission, international observation, and the role of the media; regional studies focusing on the grassroots level of Kenyan politics at the Kenya Coast, among the Kenya Somali, in Ukambani, Meru and Embu, Central Province and Nairobi, and Maasailand, among the Kalenjin and the Gusii, in Luo Nyanza, and in Western Province and Trans-Nzoia district; and the Njoro and Laikipia violence in the aftermath of the elections, political developments in 1998 and 1999, and the meaning of electoral politics in Kenya. Contributors: Francis Ang'ila Aywa, Norbert Braakhuis, Marren Akatsa-Bukachi, Fran‡ois Grignon, Charles Hornsby, Joe Kadhi, Peter Mwangi Kagwanja, Karuti Kanyinga, Musambayi Katumanga, Wambui Kimathi, Herv‚ Maupeu, Alamin Mazrui, Kimani Njogu, Adams Oloo, Kenneth Ombongi, Marc-Antoine P‚rouse de Montclos, Ralph-Michael Peters, Marcel Rutten Show less
This chapter reviews Maasai politics from the beginning of the 20th century until the Kenya general elections of 29-30 December 1997. It describes Maasai politics in the colonial days (1900-1963)... Show moreThis chapter reviews Maasai politics from the beginning of the 20th century until the Kenya general elections of 29-30 December 1997. It describes Maasai politics in the colonial days (1900-1963) and in the early years after independence (1963-1983), the rise of new political leaders in Maasailand in the period 1983-1992, shifting alliances and the emergence of Maasai nationalism in the 1990s, the role of Maasai traditional leaders, and the preamble to the 1997 elections in Maasailand, particularly Kajiado District. It shows that, in the end, the power struggle among the Maasai has always been centred on safeguarding access to resources (land, water, jobs). Sections, subclans and age groups play a significant role in the outcome of this political fight. However, no easy voting lines can be pointed out, as individual interests play a major role. Multipartyism opened the eyes of many firm KANU believers in Kajiado District, when the ruling party they had supported for many years 'rigged' out their 'sons'. As a result, KANU is no longer the natural option for the Maasai electorate. However, whether the opposition will be able to consolidate its position in Maasailand remains to be seen. Bibliogr., notes, ref Show less
The outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the... Show moreThe outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the direct pre-electoral background; technical and national analysis of the general elections, including the performance of the Electoral Commission, international observation, and the role of the media; regional studies focusing on the grassroots level of Kenyan politics at the Kenya Coast, among the Kenya Somali, in Ukambani, Meru and Embu, Central Province and Nairobi, and Maasailand, among the Kalenjin and the Gusii, in Luo Nyanza, and in Western Province and Trans-Nzoia district; and the Njoro and Laikipia violence in the aftermath of the elections, political developments in 1998 and 1999, and the meaning of electoral politics in Kenya. Contributors: Francis Ang'ila Aywa, Norbert Braakhuis, Marren Akatsa-Bukachi, Fran†ois Grignon, Charles Hornsby, Joe Kadhi, Peter Mwangi Kagwanja, Karuti Kanyinga, Musambayi Katumanga, Wambui Kimathi, Herv‚ Maupeu, Alamin Mazrui, Kimani Njogu, Adams Oloo, Kenneth Ombongi, Marc-Antoine P‚rouse de Montclos, Ralph-Michael Peters, Marcel Rutten Show less
Despite its economic and cultural potential, the Kenya Coast finds itself in a marginal position. This collective volume traces the causes behind this situation and analyses it from different... Show moreDespite its economic and cultural potential, the Kenya Coast finds itself in a marginal position. This collective volume traces the causes behind this situation and analyses it from different angles: political, economic and social. Most of the papers included in this volume were first presented at a workshop in Mombasa in August 1996. Contributions: The Kenya Coast: a regional study, by Dick Foeken, Jan Hoorweg and R.A. Obudho; The Kenya Coast in national perspective, by Henk Meilink; Physical resources and infrastructure, by Dick Foeken; Marine resources, by Peninah Aloo; Current environmental problems, by Mwakio P. Tole; Population dynamics, by John Obwa Wakajummah; Urbanization, by R.A. Obudho; The peoples, by John Middleton; Colonial history, by Frederick Cooper; Contemporary politics, by Thomas P. Wolf; Religion and society, by David C. Sperling; Agriculture, by Henk Waaijenberg; Food marketing, by Tjalling Dijkstra; Industrialization, by Wafula S. Masai; Tourism, by Isaac Sindiga; Employment, by Gerrishon K. Ikiara; The educational marginalisation of coastal Kenya, by Thomas Owen Eisemon; Health and illness, by J. Ties Boerma and F. John Bennett; Food consumption and nutrition, by Wijnand Klaver and Robert Mwadime; Gender issues, by Winnie V. Mitullah; The experience with land settlement, by Jan Hoorweg; Housing, by G.C. Macoloo; Water resources, by George O. Krhoda; Dairy development, by Piet Leegwater and Jan Hoorweg; Port development: growth, competition and revitalization, by Brian Hoyle; Conclusion: culture, resources and development in the Kenya Coast, by Jan Hoorweg, Dick Foeken and R.A. Obudho. Show less
The papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The... Show moreThe papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The Hague, The Netherlands, on 13-16 March 1997. The papers are concerned with the challenge to the development paradigm presented by its potential submersion within processes of economic globalization. The following chapters are on Africa: The accountability of commodities in a global marketplace: the cases of Bolivian coca and Tanzanian honey (Alberto Arce, Eleanor Fisher) - The Pentecostal gift: Ghanaian charismatic churches and the moral innocence of the global economy (Rijk van Dijk) - 'Progress' as discursive spectacle: but what comes after development? (David Mills on Uganda) - Christian mind and worldly matters: religion and materiality in the nineteenth-century Gold Coast (Birgit Meyer) - Mary's room: a case study on becoming a consumer in Francistown, Botswana (Wim van Binsbergen) - Second-hand clothing encounters in Zambia: global discourses, Western commodities and local histories (Karen Tranberg Hansen) - Globalization and the making of consumers: Zambian kitchen parties (Thera Rasing) - African corruption in the context of globalization (Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan) - Market expansion, globalized discourses and changing identity politics in Kenya (Andreas van Nahl) - The production of translocality: initiation in the sacred grove in southern Senegal (Ferdinand de Jong) - The production of 'primitiveness' and identity: Surma-tourist interactions (Jan Abbink) - Anthropology, identity politics, consumption and development in post-apartheid South Africa (P.A. McAllister) - Rural democratization in Zanzibar: the 1995 general elections (Greg Cameron). Show less
This study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that... Show moreThis study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that this is not surprising, given the class character of the Cameroonian postcolonial State. The limited political reforms introduced by the Biya regime in 1990, especially the legalization of multipartyism, seem not to have stimulated economic liberalization, but rather to have further eroded the authoritarian and patrimonial State's capacity and willingness to undertake economic reforms. The experience of Cameroon suggests that there is no automatic linkage between political and economic liberalization. Show less
This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the... Show moreThis article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion. Show less
The chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an... Show moreThe chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an introductory chapter, by Richard Fardon and Graham Furniss, and three parts. Part 1, West Africa, contains papers by Ayo Bamgbose (multilingualism), C. Magbaily Fyle (policy toward Krio in Sierra Leone), Mamoud Akanni Igu‚ and Raphael Windali N'ou‚ni (the politics of language in B‚nin), Ben Ohi Elugbe (minority language development in Rivers and Bendel States, Nigeria), Gillian F. Hansford (mother tongue literacy among the Chumburung speakers in Ghana). Part 2, Central and Southern Africa, contains papers by J.M.M. Katupha (language use in Mozambique), Jean Benjamin (language and the struggle for racial equality in the development of a non-racial southern African nation), Nhlanhla P. Maake (a new language policy for post-apartheid South Africa), James Fairhead (linguistic pluralism in a Bwisha community, eastern Zaire), Wim van Binsbergen (minority languages in Zambia (Nkoya) and Botswana (Kalanga)). Part 3, East Africa, contains papers by Gnter Schlee (loanwords in Oromo and Rendille), Jan Blommaert (the metaphors of modernization in Tanzanian language policy), David Parkin (Arabic, Swahili and the vernaculars in Kenya). Show less
External factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to... Show moreExternal factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to sustainable growth', in which the Bank for the first time linked aid to the question of "governance" - undoubtedly played a role in the decline of the one-party State in Africa. But the deeper causes of the current wave of democratization lie in the buildup of pressure over the past few decades for a new form of political accountability, to replace that of patronage politics. Most African governments have responded to the forces of change by conceding to demands for multiparty rule, simultaneously attempting to control the process. President Moi of Kenya, re-elected president in a multiparty election, is a case in point. In a few cases, heads of State have refused to make any compromises at all, with appalling results (Liberia, Somalia). In those countries where some degree of democratization has taken place, it is hard as yet to discern any improvement in regard to governance. Political parties continue to be formed in terms of clientelism and there is little to choose between rival parties, as a comparison of the contrasting cases of Kenya and Zambia illustrates. Democratization has not recast political constituencies in a new mode (though religion may form the base for new forms of political recruitment in the years to come). Notes, ref Show less
