Civilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as... Show moreCivilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as expressions of civilian protection agency. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the activities of community-initiated part-time militias during the war in Mozambique, drawing on a data set of violent events compiled from archival sources and interviews. Through this case study, it explores in what ways and under what conditions these more contentious and more risky forms of civilian self-protection help reduce violence against civilians during wartime and contribute to protection outcomes. The chapter shows how any effect in terms of protection was a temporary one, as the rebels quickly adapted and learned how to respond to the new armed challenge. Overall, the chapter emphasizes the dynamic character of war, shaped by learning processes on both the part of civilians and rebels. Show less
Ethnologists inevitably come to their subjects with a certain philosophical baggage which is part of their own, North Atlantic universe of cosmological and moral meaning, and influences the way... Show moreEthnologists inevitably come to their subjects with a certain philosophical baggage which is part of their own, North Atlantic universe of cosmological and moral meaning, and influences the way they gather and interpret their data. This chapter examines one particular, widespread assumption informing Maussian and structuralist theorising on gifts and reciprocity: the idea of violence as a basic tendency of human nature. While most other contributions to this volume focus on detailed archaeological and ethnographic data pertaining to conflict and violence more directly, the present one looks at historical and epistemological backgrounds of one particular, quite influential way of handling such data theoretically and conceptually. Show less
This volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why... Show moreThis volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why patterns of generational conflict and violent response among younger age groups in Africa are showing such a remarkably uneven spread across the continent. An introduction by Jon Abbink (Being young in Africa: the politics of despair and renewal) is follwed by three parts: 1. Historical perspectives on youth as agents of change (Murray Last on youth in Muslim northern Nigeria, 1750-2000; G. Thomas Burgess on youth in revolutionary Zanzibar); 2. State, crisis and the mobilization of youth (Peter Mwangi Kagwanja on youth identity and the politics of transition in Kenya, 1997-2002; Karel Arnaut on youth and the politics of history in C“te d'Ivoire; Jok Madut Jok on the position of youth in South Sudan; Piet Konings on anglophone university students and anglophone nationalist struggles in Cameroon; and Sara Rich Dorman on youth and politics in Eritrea); 3. Interventions: dealing with youth in crisis (Yves Marguerat on street children in Lom‚, Togo; Angela McIntyre on the phenomenon of child soldiers in Africa; Simon Simonse on failed Statehood and the violence of young male pastoralists in the Horn of Africa; and Krijn Peters on the reintegration of young ex-combatants in Sierra Leone). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social... Show moreThis chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social problems of an ethnic group. Suri face a crisis of security and of social continuity. Both their physical security and their food security are at risk, and they have enduring tense relations with neighbouring peoples and with the Ethiopian State. Like other ethnic groups (e.g. Nyangatom, Toposa, Anywaa, Meen) they use armed force to defend themselves or contest resources. The relatively quick "militarization" of societies like the Suri in the last 15 years has brought new problems and challenges. Londósa, as the Suri ritual mediator and leader, recognized the problems emerging and called for restraint to Suri exercise of violence but with little effect. He was powerless to prevent the gradual deterioration of internal social relations in Suri society resulting from this militarization. Feelings of powerlessness and deception with the way Suri society was developing undoubtedly contributed to his early death in June 2000. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary [Book abstract] Show less
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in... Show moreThe purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in State formation in west central Zambia from the 17th century onwards. The chapter shows that State formation in west central Zambia entailed the imposition upon local village communities of a more or less centralized sociopolitical structure, representing a departure from the social organization and ideology prevailing in pre-State times. In the specific context of the expansion of Lunda political culture over much of south central Africa, the typical form of Statehood that emerged had two salient features: perpetual kinship and positional succession, neither of which corresponded with structural themes in local village society. The chapter compares the cultural logic of the village and that of the royal court in more detail, arguing that the latter completely ignored the former. This is illustrated by the particular cases of the Nkoya and the Lozi. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in... Show moreThe purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in State formation in west central Zambia from the 17th century onwards. The chapter shows that State formation in west central Zambia entailed the imposition upon local village communities of a more or less centralized sociopolitical structure, representing a departure from the social organization and ideology prevailing in pre-State times. In the specific context of the expansion of Lunda political culture over much of south central Africa, the typical form of Statehood that emerged had two salient features: perpetual kinship and positional succession, neither of which corresponded with structural themes in local village society. The chapter compares the cultural logic of the village and that of the royal court in more detail, arguing that the latter completely ignored the former. This is illustrated by the particular cases of the Nkoya and the Lozi. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
A rising against French colonial rule in central Madagascar (1895-1898) appeared in the 1970s as a good example of resistance to colonialism, sparked by France's occupation of Madagascar. Like... Show moreA rising against French colonial rule in central Madagascar (1895-1898) appeared in the 1970s as a good example of resistance to colonialism, sparked by France's occupation of Madagascar. Like many similar episodes in other parts of Africa, it was a history that appeared, in the light of later African nationalist movements, to be a precursor to the more sophisticated anticolonial movements that eventually led to independence, in Madagascar and elsewhere. In the light of the later history of nationalism, however, it is instructive to revisit the rising of the 'menalamba' (red shawls) in Madagascar and to reconsider the episode. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
The outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the... Show moreThe outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the direct pre-electoral background; technical and national analysis of the general elections, including the performance of the Electoral Commission, international observation, and the role of the media; regional studies focusing on the grassroots level of Kenyan politics at the Kenya Coast, among the Kenya Somali, in Ukambani, Meru and Embu, Central Province and Nairobi, and Maasailand, among the Kalenjin and the Gusii, in Luo Nyanza, and in Western Province and Trans-Nzoia district; and the Njoro and Laikipia violence in the aftermath of the elections, political developments in 1998 and 1999, and the meaning of electoral politics in Kenya. Contributors: Francis Ang'ila Aywa, Norbert Braakhuis, Marren Akatsa-Bukachi, Fran‡ois Grignon, Charles Hornsby, Joe Kadhi, Peter Mwangi Kagwanja, Karuti Kanyinga, Musambayi Katumanga, Wambui Kimathi, Herv‚ Maupeu, Alamin Mazrui, Kimani Njogu, Adams Oloo, Kenneth Ombongi, Marc-Antoine P‚rouse de Montclos, Ralph-Michael Peters, Marcel Rutten Show less
The outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the... Show moreThe outcome of a three-day conference held at the African Studies Centre, Leiden, The Netherlands, in September 1998, this book on the 1997 Kenya general elections is organized in four parts: the direct pre-electoral background; technical and national analysis of the general elections, including the performance of the Electoral Commission, international observation, and the role of the media; regional studies focusing on the grassroots level of Kenyan politics at the Kenya Coast, among the Kenya Somali, in Ukambani, Meru and Embu, Central Province and Nairobi, and Maasailand, among the Kalenjin and the Gusii, in Luo Nyanza, and in Western Province and Trans-Nzoia district; and the Njoro and Laikipia violence in the aftermath of the elections, political developments in 1998 and 1999, and the meaning of electoral politics in Kenya. Contributors: Francis Ang'ila Aywa, Norbert Braakhuis, Marren Akatsa-Bukachi, Fran†ois Grignon, Charles Hornsby, Joe Kadhi, Peter Mwangi Kagwanja, Karuti Kanyinga, Musambayi Katumanga, Wambui Kimathi, Herv‚ Maupeu, Alamin Mazrui, Kimani Njogu, Adams Oloo, Kenneth Ombongi, Marc-Antoine P‚rouse de Montclos, Ralph-Michael Peters, Marcel Rutten Show less
In 1987 and 1991 Martin Bernal published two volumes on the Afroasiatic roots of classical civilization. His theory that ancient Greek culture derived from Egypt and Phoenicia opened a discussion... Show moreIn 1987 and 1991 Martin Bernal published two volumes on the Afroasiatic roots of classical civilization. His theory that ancient Greek culture derived from Egypt and Phoenicia opened a discussion known as the debate on 'Black Athena'. This article sorts out whatever lasting contribution Bernal has made to classical archaeology. In 'Black Athena' Bernal described how one particular view of ancient Greek history has served Eurocentric interests. But his own alternative serves other ideological interests, viz. the rapprochement to Afrocentrism. According to Bernal, the name of the Greek goddess Athena derived from the ancient Egyptian Ht Nt, "temple of Neith". Even though Bernal's etymology has been effectively refuted on the grounds of historical linguistics, the iconographic and semantic details which Bernal adduces make it quite conceivable that the link between Athena and Neith was more than superficial. The present author suggests, however, that Neith and Athena both derive from a common prototype which, throughout the ancient eastern Mediterranean, has produced Great Goddesses with connotations of underworld, death, violence and rebirth. Such a view - although inspired by Bernal - effectively explodes the Black Athena thesis, since it dissolves the very contradiction between Indo-European and Afroasiatic as the source of Aegean civilization, and draws on a common substratum which cannot readily be relegated to an African provenance. In conclusion, the present author advocates continued research in the spirit of Martin Bernal, with vastly increased personal, disciplinary, financial and temporal resources. (A shorter French version of this article is published in: Afrocentrismes : l'histoire des Africains entre Égypte et Amérique / sous la dir. de François-Xavier Fauvelle-Aymar, Jean-Pierre Chrétien et Claude-Hélène Perrot. - Paris : Karthala, 2000, p. 127-150.) Show less
