Public agencies are increasingly explaining and justifying their conduct in ways that go beyond what is legally required. This rise of voluntary accountability in the public sector is noteworthy,... Show morePublic agencies are increasingly explaining and justifying their conduct in ways that go beyond what is legally required. This rise of voluntary accountability in the public sector is noteworthy, especially in light of concerns about inadequate accountability safeguards in modern governance. The objective of this dissertation is to understand the motivations behind organisational accountability-seeking behaviour. Drawing from a reputational perspective on accountability, this dissertation investigates the following research question: What are the drivers of voluntary accountability? Based on a multi-method study of EU agencies, this dissertation shows that there is no "holy grail" of one dominant set of driving motivations behind voluntary accountability, although reputational considerations do emerge as a prominent force. While different mechanisms are at play, it is possible to better understand the drivers of voluntary accountability – both conceptually and in terms of motivations – by looking at the audience to whom account is rendered: the “forum” in accountability terminology. This dissertation finds that accountability-seeking motivations are intimately inter-linked to the relationship actors seek to cultivate and cannot be elucidated in abstract thereof. Hence, even though voluntary accountability by definition originates from the account-giver, the best advice to anyone seeking to understand voluntary accountability is to look to the forum! Show less
The decentralization of social care in the Netherlands has had a major impact on the professionals working in this field. This dissertation examines this impact by specifically focusing on the... Show moreThe decentralization of social care in the Netherlands has had a major impact on the professionals working in this field. This dissertation examines this impact by specifically focusing on the cognitive uncertainty experiences of social care professionals. It shows that cognitive uncertainty is a multi-faceted concept that covers different domains of the work and can have multiple sources. Contrary to the frequently expressed view in the literature on bureaucracy, this dissertation shows that rules do not reduce cognitive uncertainty. Leadership of team leaders, in contrast, can reduce cognitive uncertainty experiences of professionals.Moreover, leadership plays a key role in managing cognitive uncertainty. When properly managed, cognitive uncertainty can prove highly valuable as it can spur innovation and thus contribute to achieving the goals set in the decentralization of social care in the Netherlands. Show less
Regulators interact with a wide variety of stakeholders, ranging from politicians, interest groups, to citizens. Communicating with these stakeholders is crucial for regulators: Amongst others, it... Show moreRegulators interact with a wide variety of stakeholders, ranging from politicians, interest groups, to citizens. Communicating with these stakeholders is crucial for regulators: Amongst others, it provides them with unique information to make better regulatory decisions, it can foster support for their regulatory strategies, and it can strengthen their organizations’ regulatory mandates. However, regulatory communication is no easy feat. Stakeholders have varying preferences and might react adversely towards a regulator’s public message – or stakeholders might not even be listening at all. This dissertation discovers how EU regulators strategically use communication to advance their organizations’ agenda. Through the blended use of machine learning and quantitative text analysis, it sheds light on how regulators interact with the news media, how various regulatory organizations secure public attention, and how they ultimately seek to protect their organizations’ public reputations. The findings aim to improve our understanding of “what makes regulators tick” and to provide evidence to consider public communication as an integral part of regulatory governance. Show less
It is 26 August 2015, a crucial day during the Conference of State Parties in Cancún, Mexico. 67 of the 69 member states of the Arms Trade Treaty vote for a location of the new Secretariat. Three... Show moreIt is 26 August 2015, a crucial day during the Conference of State Parties in Cancún, Mexico. 67 of the 69 member states of the Arms Trade Treaty vote for a location of the new Secretariat. Three possible host states are bidding: Austria (Vienna), Switzerland (Geneva), and Trinidad and Tobago (Port of Spain). In the first round, Trinidad and Tobago wins with 32 votes; Vienna leaves the stage with only 14 votes. Switzerland wins the second round with 35 votes, versus 32 for Trinidad and Tobago. What did Switzerland and host city Geneva do right? What did the others do wrong – if anything?This book is about how governance networks in host cities attract International Organizations (IOs), and about how and why they fail or succeed. Scholars in the field of governance and public policy often agree that better policy alignment and cooperation in networks increase the chances of success. Yet, the findings of this study contradict this. Considering the interests of IOs proved to be more important than having matters ‘in order’ internally. Show less
There is no clear view on how accountability is organised in the context of transgovernmental networks. In literature there is predominant view that accountability is threatened by the existence of... Show moreThere is no clear view on how accountability is organised in the context of transgovernmental networks. In literature there is predominant view that accountability is threatened by the existence of transgovernmental networks. This dissertation takes a micro-level approach by focusing on participants of transgovernmental networks, to understand the dynamics of accountability in this setting. This dissertation makes use of theory building and testing. A theoretical model links the function and governance style of a transgovernmental network to the type of accountability that can be expected. Four distinct empirical cases show that there is a link between the level of formalisation of a governance style and the extent of control. Moreover, this research shows that the function of a transgovernmental network is indicative for the source of control. Show less
Malaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the... Show moreMalaysia’s foreign policy change toward China amid Najib Razak’s kleptocracy case raises a broader theoretical question: How is the effect of kleptocracy on foreign policy change mediated by the political-administrative relationship? In the case of Malaysia’s foreign economic policy, despite the presence of high-caliber bureaucrats, they were unable to stop the over-inflated loans from being signed, as well as the fire-sale of Malaysia’s Edra Energy to China. Najib Razak not only managed to exclude those bureaucrats, he even included his allies to propose those loans from China, which ended up being used to bail out the 1MDB debt. This was also the case in Malaysia’s foreign defense policy changes. Despite the Navy’s plan to build the LMSs domestically, the kleptocrats purchased them from China instead. In fact, Najib even tasked his 1MDB ally Jho Low to directly negotiate the first-ever Chinese attack submarine port calls in Malaysia, and excluding the top military bureaucrats altogether. Accordingly, this research provides an insight into the dynamics of foreign policy-making in the case of kleptocracy that can be reflected on by other smaller powers around the globe, in the face of the US–China rivalry in the 21st century and beyond. Show less
Moving direct citizen participation away from the townhouse and onto online platforms is considered to be an effective government strategy for involving a larger and more diverse group of citizens... Show moreMoving direct citizen participation away from the townhouse and onto online platforms is considered to be an effective government strategy for involving a larger and more diverse group of citizens in decision-making and thereby making participation more inclusive. However, this claim is not yet supported by evidence, and neither has it been explored whether and how government can design online platforms that are more likely to attract participants from diverse groups. To fill this gap, this dissertation explores how the design of online participation platforms influences the inclusivity of online direct participation.In this dissertation, administrative and digital trace data are used to evaluate inclusivity in online participation, and through a field experiment it is established that design choices can indeed affect who participates. To make impactful design choices, it is necessary to understand what factors influence whether citizens participate in online platforms. By studying intentions to participate from the perspective of citizens, this dissertation finds that influential beliefs in the participation decision vary for citizens from diverse sociodemographic groups. These insights help to explain why online platforms do not solve all issues for inclusivity in direct participation, and provide suggestions for design choices that may activate harder to reach groups. Show less
Interest groups are often described as transmission belts that connect the preferences of their members with public officials in policymaking processes. Through this linkage, public officials can... Show moreInterest groups are often described as transmission belts that connect the preferences of their members with public officials in policymaking processes. Through this linkage, public officials can obtain relevant information and gain legitimacy from those affected by public policies. However, this important intermediary function is not a straightforward endeavor as interest groups often struggle to reconcile their dual function of representing their members while being politically active. This dissertation unpacks interest groups mobilized at the European Union level and examines how they are organized so as to function as transmission belts. Subsequently, it analyzes the effects of this transmissive role for the level of access and influence obtained by groups in policymaking processes. The findings shed light on the difficult task of groups in balancing member involvement while being politically active and the implications for the legitimacy of our governance systems. Show less
In this research I assess the impact of the recently discovered gas reserves south off Cyprus on the escalation of the Cyprus conflict. I examine the ideational dynamics underpinning the conflict... Show moreIn this research I assess the impact of the recently discovered gas reserves south off Cyprus on the escalation of the Cyprus conflict. I examine the ideational dynamics underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources. Theoretically motivated by the discursive shift in conflict studies, I prioritise the collectively shared meanings of the Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot opinion-leaders on the gas reserves and how these justify their conflictual strategies. To uncover these discourses, I apply Q-methodology, a research design tailor-made to ‘measure’ human subjectivity. I distinguish five distinct discourses. With respect to the Greek-Cypriot side, I identify (a) ‘gas boosting our geopolitical standing’, which highlights the sovereignty attributes of the natural resources, (b) ‘pipe-dreams and imported nationalisms’, which acknowledges the opportunistic motives behind the ‘geopolitical overtones’ of the Greek-Cypriot side and (c) ‘resentment matters’, which emphasizes the Greek-Cypriot grievances. As regards the Turkish-Cypriot side, I came across two different discourses: (e) ‘gas stimulating political equality’, where Turkish-Cypriots stress their grievances over their lack of international status and the opportunities that arise from the gas reserves discovery to reverse their international isolation and (f) ‘micro-politics’, which highlights the political opportunism of particular policymakers who capitalize on the tensions in order to serve their political careers in the face of domestic turbulence. These discourses provide a holistic framework regarding the discursive factors underpinning the conflict-inducing role of natural resources within the protracted Cyprus conflict. Show less
This dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of... Show moreThis dissertation takes an important step in understanding the phenomenon of non-take-up of social support and what it means for contemporary social policies. Even when sufficient services of social support are being offered, it is not self-evident that all individuals who are in need of help will actually use those services. Different types of problems and barriers may inhibit their help-seeking process.Despite its apparent universality, our fundamental understanding of this non-take-up of social support is limited. This is problematic because failure to understand and effectively address non-take-up leaves social needs unattended to and will lead to higher welfare costs.To better understand the ‘how and why’ of this non-take-up, this study analyzes the lived experiences and perceptions of potential welfare clients in the Dutch municipality of The Hague. It discusses what the implications of these findings are for social policies. What can be learned from the problems and barriers that potential welfare clients experience in their daily lives? Researchers, policymakers and practitioners who work in and around the social domain may all benefit from the insights of this study. Show less
Political parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement... Show morePolitical parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement age, lending money to large companies that face bankruptcy, or deploying soldiers to Afghanistan. But do political parties take into account the policy preferences of the general public and their own voters when making such decisions? And to what extent do interest groups influence political parties’ positions and decisions on these policy issues? This dissertation studies these important questions across a range of wealthy, Northwestern European democracies with strong democratic credentials, covering dozens of political parties, policy issues and even more interest groups and other policy advocates. Show less
Do interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the... Show moreDo interest groups help or hinder democratic policymaking? While interest groups are often understood as transmission belts which work as important intermediaries between the public and the policymaking level, their involvement is not without risk. Unequal opportunities and undue influence may bias the interest group landscape towards special interests.The latter, less optimistic perspective on interest group involvement is one that reflects public concerns as lobbying has a rather negative reputation amongst the general public. It is crucial for the study of interest groups as well as representative democracy to know the extent to which these stances on lobbying are warranted. Do groups actually represent the public and can contribute to democratic legitimacy? More specifically, can groups act as transmission belts of public preferences and how could they do so?Understanding these mechanisms is important for understanding how groups can help strengthen the extent to which governments respond to public demands. It is the dissertation’s aim to contribute to these debates, paying particular attention to the extent to which interest groups inform policymakers about what the public wants. Show less
The aim of this study is to investigate how regional government matters in designing ‘context-specific’ regional innovation policy. To that end, the study develops a Public Administration... Show moreThe aim of this study is to investigate how regional government matters in designing ‘context-specific’ regional innovation policy. To that end, the study develops a Public Administration framework to conceptualise the different roles theoretically and applies this framework to capture these roles empirically in six European regions. The study employs a descriptive, multiple-case study research method comparing six regions, three German and three British regions. Qualitative data have been gathered from an existing dataset through archival records research and documentation analysis. The assumption that regions endowed with regional autonomy are better at contextualized policy design is not confirmed in this study. Instead, among the six case studies a great variety of regional government roles was found irrespective of government system type, and all regions engaged in multiple roles throughout the policy process to succeed at designing their ‘context-specific’ regional innovation policy. Understanding how ‘context-specific’ regional innovation policy comes about requires a differentiated conceptualisation of the role of regional government. This is the overall conclusion of the study. The study generates new insights about ‘context-specific’ regional innovation policy and makes an important contribution to better understanding the role of regional government as a policy-making actor to develop such a policy. Show less
The Financial Crisis since 2007 is one of the most important challenges in recent decades. Starting with financing problems in the United States’ real estate market, the financial difficulties... Show moreThe Financial Crisis since 2007 is one of the most important challenges in recent decades. Starting with financing problems in the United States’ real estate market, the financial difficulties developed into a major crisis affecting nearly all economic sectors in industrial countries. Next to citizens and private companies, the public sector was – and partially still is – affected by the Financial Crisis, thereby implying a variety of direct and indirect implications for public budgets.On closer inspection, the impact of and responses to the Financial Crisis involved all levels of government, depending on the division of tasks and responsibilities within systems of multi-level governance. While the roles of the national, supranational, and international levels during the Crisis were widely reported in news coverage and academic research, the implications for sub-national government has received far less attention.The main intentions of this study are to analyse how the Financial Crisis affected the financial situation of the local level of government in the Netherlands and its approximately 400 municipalities and to identify the factors that determined variation. By following a multidisciplinary approach, the study combines theoretical considerations from the academic disciplines of public administration, political science, economics, law, psychology, and sociology. Show less
This PhD-thesis analyses the relationship between the parties’ choices in the CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis’ assessments of the election manifestos and coalition agreements... Show moreThis PhD-thesis analyses the relationship between the parties’ choices in the CPB Netherlands Bureau for Economic Policy Analysis’ assessments of the election manifestos and coalition agreements over the period 1986-2017, and tries to explain this relationship. First, the theoretical framework is set out, in which agenda-setting, political economy and civil service influence have prominent positions, followed by a description of the political rationality and the civil service rationality. Then, multiple reflections are made on the history of the assessments and their (dis)advantages for both the Dutch politicians and the civil service. Second, the empirical analysis of the parties’ choices with regard to government expenditures, tax burdens, purchasing power and macroeconomic outcomes in election manifestos and coalition agreements is carried out. It appears that for the majority of parties’ choices, negotiators in the formation decide in line with their manifestos. But there are also clear deviations. In general; government expenditures turn out higher, except the expenditures on education. Tax burdens end up higher, but foremost for households while companies receive tax reliefs. The purchasing power of high incomes and middle incomes falls behind, in contrast to the purchasing power of social security beneficiaries and low incomes which end up better. Show less
The idea of citizens and public professionals collaborating to provide public services has widely spread in several countries around the globe. Co-production is often presented as the go-to... Show moreThe idea of citizens and public professionals collaborating to provide public services has widely spread in several countries around the globe. Co-production is often presented as the go-to solution for challenges like a legitimacy crisis of both the government and the market, and financial concerns. Yet, co-production also brings new challenges for the citizens, public professionals and public organizations involved. Why do citizens sometimes become disappointed with coproduction? Why do professionals at times feel constrained when interacting with citizens? Although co-production literature is booming, these issues still remain unsolved. This dissertation contributes to our understanding of why individual citizens and public professionals engage in co-production, and what the role of mutual perceptions of this engagement is. The study is innovative in both its approach (focusing on the individuals involved instead of on the collaborative networks, processes, and organizations) and the research methods applied (proposing a mixed method research design in a research field dominated by single case studies and qualitative research methods). The book presents a variety of studies to empirically unravel citizens’ and professionals’ engagement in the co-production of public services. The cases include client councils in healthcare organizations, neighborhood watch schemes, and representative advisory councils at primary schools. Show less
Al tientallen jaren streeft de Nederlandse overheid naar diversiteit binnen haar organisatie. Of het nu gaat om de politie of het onderwijs, de waterschappen of de departementen, nagenoeg... Show more Al tientallen jaren streeft de Nederlandse overheid naar diversiteit binnen haar organisatie. Of het nu gaat om de politie of het onderwijs, de waterschappen of de departementen, nagenoeg alle onderdelen van de publieke sector willen de verschillen benutten om de effectiviteit van de overheid te vergroten. De business case van diversiteit zit dus geworteld in het denken binnen de publieke sector. Vreemd genoeg wordt dit bewustzijn slechts in beperkte mate omgezet in interventies die bijdragen aan een overheid die adequaat maatschappelijke problemen kan oplossen. De uitdaging voor publieke organisaties ligt vooral in het duurzaam verbinden van de overheid met de samenleving. Sturen op verbinden kan het vertrouwen van burgers in de overheid vergroten. Dat kan bijvoorbeeld door zo goed mogelijk in het personeelsbestand een weerspiegeling te creëren van de samenleving. Maar zeker ook door de wisselwerking tussen de overheid en burgers, én binnen de overheid te stimuleren. Bovendien vergroten de juiste business case interventies de binding van medewerkers met de publieke organisaties. Transformationeel leiderschap en een inclusieve organisatiecultuur spelen daarbij een cruciale rol. Dit proefschrift toont aan dat sturen op verbinden de nieuwe route is voor de publieke sector. Show less
Public organizations are responsible for the delivery and provision of public services on which citizens rely. To maintain the quality of or improve these services, public organizations... Show more Public organizations are responsible for the delivery and provision of public services on which citizens rely. To maintain the quality of or improve these services, public organizations must exploit resources from the environment of the organization. To attain a predictable and controllable flow of resources, public managers must interact with a wide array of different organizations and actors in the organization’s environment that are potential sources of support. The main question of this dissertation concerns the conditions under which public managers’ interactions with organizations and actors in the environments of their organizations contribute to organizational performance. The context of this study is Dutch primary education. Specifically, we study the networking activities of Dutch primary school principals. One of the main conclusions of this dissertation is that specific managerial networking activities moderate the negative effect of specific environmental challenges. We find, for example, that the negative effect of red tape on school performance is attenuated by school principals’ networking activities with external organizations, such as local- and national government organizations and interest groups. Insights into the conditions under which specific managerial networking activities are beneficial can help public managers make strategic decisions about which networking activities to prioritize in certain situations. Show less
The thesis examines what factors contribute to perceiving political authorities as legitimate by individuals socialized in different political regimes. Using experimental vignettes and original... Show moreThe thesis examines what factors contribute to perceiving political authorities as legitimate by individuals socialized in different political regimes. Using experimental vignettes and original survey data, the thesis investigates to what extent normative qualities of political authorities play a role in citizens’ evaluations of these authorities. It challenges the claim that citizens in non-democratic regimes have unique or special expectations about political authorities. It does so by comparing the factors influencing perceived legitimacy of governments in different political regimes: two post-Soviet non-democracies (Russia and Ukraine) and old and new democracies in Europe (France, Netherlands, and Poland). The findings in all five countries support the theoretical model of a citizen who is concerned with both her personal material well-being and the fairness of authorities. The factor that had the largest positive effect on perceived legitimacy across countries was distributive justice—fairness in providing goods and services across the individuals in a society. Furthermore, respondents’ beliefs about what makes political authorities legitimate were similar across regimes and suggest that for evaluating legitimacy, the output aspects of governing (e.g. welfare, order, and stability) are less important than the input (e.g. elections, trust, representation) and throughput aspects (e.g. fair procedures,transparency, and integrity of authorities). Show less
