The political scientist whose task consists of giving political advice to management in support of its active adaptation policy with regard to political developments, is as yet a rather new... Show moreThe political scientist whose task consists of giving political advice to management in support of its active adaptation policy with regard to political developments, is as yet a rather new phenomenon. The main purpose of this article is to show for what reasons international enterprises may decide to employ political analysts and how these specialists fullfil their task by tracing political risks and helping to minimize and/or evade them. A short description is given of changes in political environments which force international enterprises to take political circumstances more fully into consideration in the formulation of their policy than before. These changes include the growing influence of political authorities in business and the passing of the colonial order with the concomitant rise of the third world. Apart from these changes in political environments a number of criteria can be distinguished (as Richard D. Robinson has done) which determine the political vulnerability of specific industries. The practical consequences of the increased vulnerability are that international entrepreneurs ate limiting the consequences of political risks as much as possible by investment guarantee systems and the like and for instance by taking political scientists into their service. With regard to strategic business policy these political scientists may be asked to advise on the political stability in the country concerned, on the nature of the political regime and the attitude of its government with respect to private (foreign) enterprises. The rise of regional groupings and the relations of the host country with the country of origin of the international enterprises must also be taken into consideration. With regard to tactical business policy political factors such as the social forces behind a particular governmental policy, the political attachments and position of the governmental officials with whom the international enterprises has to work etc. have to be evaluated. These and other relevant political factors are mentioned and illustrated and in conclusion some methodological remarks are made. Show less
The author discusses commentaries by eight leading Dutch political scientists and jurists on the ’concept’ of a new constitution (Acta Politica vol. II : 2, pp. 85—140). The ’concept’ was put out... Show moreThe author discusses commentaries by eight leading Dutch political scientists and jurists on the ’concept’ of a new constitution (Acta Politica vol. II : 2, pp. 85—140). The ’concept’ was put out by the Netherlands Ministry of the Interior in the spring of 1966, in order to start a public discussion on revision of the constitution. The article is a paper presented by the author at a meeting of the Netherlands Political Science Circle in March 1967. The author, himself a jurist, claims to be disappointed by the responses given by the political scientists to the challenge of the ’concept’. Their criticism was not constructive, as they failed to point out what the ’concept’ should have contained. Most of the commentators did not deal with the central question as to what the function of a constitution should be. Mt. Donner defends the initiative of Mr. Toxopeus, then Minister of the Interior, who requested a group of civil servants to draft the present ’concept’. He prefers this method to a discussion about a number of drafts prepared by the various political parties. The ’concept’ should be the beginning of discussions among politicians and other experts, which should be held in and around a national commission for constitutional reform. Only after these discussions have taken place should formal proposals for changes in the constitution be presented to the parliament. The ’concept’ should be seen as offering the opportunity for the enactment of more drastic renewals, Donner agrees with Kuypers that the constitution should safeguard the political achievements which are generally accepted and approved. It can never solve political problems. It can only set the historical and juridical framework within which the solution must be sought. It guarantees that, in solving political problems, no lasting and generally accepted values will be affected. Political scientists would be wise in paying a great deal of attention to this important document. This would help to achieve the necessary better communication between jurists and political scientists in this country, Show less
In the introductory part of the article, a summary is given of some American : research data on the functioning of the U.S. Gongress. The most frequent role-orientation of the members of the House... Show moreIn the introductory part of the article, a summary is given of some American : research data on the functioning of the U.S. Gongress. The most frequent role-orientation of the members of the House of Representatives is that of the ‘tribune’. The members most satisfied with the way in which Congress functions I are however those with the role-orientation of the ‘broker’. The problem mentioned most frequently by the respresentatives is lack of information. The main goals which the members of both houses try to reach by means of the expansion of the staff are: (1) strengthening or maintaining the influence of Congress on legislation and oversight of the administration; (2) better communication with the citizens; (3) more expert and more independent information for the members of Congress. i i The average senator now ha.s a personal staff of 13 to 16 persons. A represenI tative normally has a staff of 6 or 7 members. The comittee staffs consist of I 640 persons in the House and 482 in the Senate. In addition there is also the Legislative Reference Service (LRS) of the Library of Congress (220 persons). The activities of the staff are extremely varied. Generally speaking, the 1 committee staff concentrates on legislation and oversight of the administration. The personal staff of the members deals mainly with the communication between the member and his constituents. The LRS concentrates on informing j committees, members and constituents. Many members are not satisfied with the way in which Congress functions. I Most of them think that a further growth of the staff — both in quality and quantity — is needed. It has been said that Congress, facing the growth of . the governmental bureaucracy, should bureaucratize itself. I The problems facing the parliament of the Netherlands, though not by far ' as gigantic, are more or less of the same nature as those related to the manner of functioning of the U.S. Congress. The staff of the Dutch Parliament is still extremely small. A new development is that since 1966 the parliamentary parties are allowed some money for their own staff. Show less
Should the aid to developing countries be seen as a social-economic problem or as a political question? Changes did occur in the major objectives and means of the Dutch aid policy. In this case... Show moreShould the aid to developing countries be seen as a social-economic problem or as a political question? Changes did occur in the major objectives and means of the Dutch aid policy. In this case policy as well as politics will be influenced by the interstate relationships. Development aid may be seen as a two-sided relation, symbolized by the word; co-operation. It can be shown that development co-operation has not yet been developed as an independent policy within the over-all Dutch government activities. Some undesired consequences of taxes and of agreements on primary products may demonstrate the influence of the social-economic outlook on aid goals. Development co-operation is a question of government policy. Every government must define the most important goals, including those qualified as social economic, cultural etc., — as well as choose the means to achieve that situation for the country. Once those choices have been made, it will perhaps be possible for developed and developing countries to look for a basis for co-operation to realize their own futures. Development policy may thus develop from being an instrument of foreign policy to an independent policy of co-operation. Show less
Recently, more serious election research has been done in the Netherlands than ever before. The latest additions to the growing number of election-studies concern the elections of February 15th... Show moreRecently, more serious election research has been done in the Netherlands than ever before. The latest additions to the growing number of election-studies concern the elections of February 15th 1967 for the Second Chamber of the Dutch parliament. So far, reports have been put out by the Institute for Applied Sociology of the University of Nijmegen, by the Utrecht sociologist Van Dam and by the political science division of the Free University in Amsterdam. Daudt discusses various aspects of these studies and mentions the other election studies that have been undertaken previously. Van Dam’s study is commended for his method of questioning and the quick way in which he was able to produce his first results in a television-program on the very evening of the elections. He should be more cautious, however, in drawing general conclusions from his material that was gathered only in Utrecht. He is wrong in thinking that a few social characteristics would wholly ’determine’ voting behavior. Daudt strongly objects to two aspects of Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica vol. II - 4, pp. 297—330). Hoogerwerf’s use of the ’index of affinity’ between two political parties and his typology of the political parties in the Netherlands are rejected on methodological grounds. In a rejoinder Hoogerwerf rejects Daudt’s criticism and defends his own method of analysis. Show less
Recently, more serious election research has been done in the Netherlands than ever before. The latest additions to the growing number of election-studies concern the elections of February 15th... Show moreRecently, more serious election research has been done in the Netherlands than ever before. The latest additions to the growing number of election-studies concern the elections of February 15th 1967 for the Second Chamber of the Dutch parliament. So far, reports have been put out by the Institute for Applied Sociology of the University of Nijmegen, by the Utrecht sociologist Van Dam and by the political science division of the Free University in Amsterdam. Daudt discusses various aspects of these studies and mentions the other election studies that have been undertaken previously. Van Dam’s study is commended for his method of questioning and the quick way in which he was able to produce his first results in a television-program on the very evening of the elections. He should be more cautious, however, in drawing general conclusions from his material that was gathered only in Utrecht. He is wrong in thinking that a few social characteristics would wholly ’determine’ voting behavior. Daudt strongly objects to two aspects of Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica vol. II - 4, pp. 297—330). Hoogerwerf’s use of the ’index of affinity’ between two political parties and his typology of the political parties in the Netherlands are rejected on methodological grounds. In a rejoinder Hoogerwerf rejects Daudt’s criticism and defends his own method of analysis. Show less
If David Easton’s A Systems Analysis of Political Life, New York, etc., 1965, offers a conceptual framework around which a valid general empirical political theory can develop, it must be possible... Show moreIf David Easton’s A Systems Analysis of Political Life, New York, etc., 1965, offers a conceptual framework around which a valid general empirical political theory can develop, it must be possible to use this framework to compare political systems. 'This article contains a summary of the main elements of Easton’s systems analysis, followed by some remarks on the problems and possibilities of using this framework in comparative studies. A few tentative conclusions are offered of a seminar in which the Canadian, Indian and Nigerian federal systems were compared. This is followed by an effort to make Easton’s scheme more specifically applicable to federal systems. It is shown that under certain conditions federal structures will be more stable than unitary systems. Even in this early stage of development, Easton’s approach was illuminating and useful. It seems to be worth-while to compare a large number of federations and unitary systems in this manner. This may lead to hypotheses concerning the changes of survival of certain types of systems under certain conditions. However, priority should be given to the further elaborations of Easton’s suggestions and to the development of operational definitions Show less
