Recent cases of terrorist violence by jihadist, far right, and male supremacist actors share a common, yet underexplored feature – the aim to impose extreme patriarchal political and social orders... Show moreRecent cases of terrorist violence by jihadist, far right, and male supremacist actors share a common, yet underexplored feature – the aim to impose extreme patriarchal political and social orders which are anti-feminist and even misogynistic. This exploratory article draws on several cases across these three groups to highlight two findings. First, we demonstrate that these narratives are increasingly utilized in justifications for violence, and women, and those promoting gender equality, are targeted. Second, that male supremacy is itself is increasingly a distinct anti-feminist ideological motivation for violence. We argue that this topic should be considered and assessed to a greater extent in terrorism scholarship, and in practical efforts to prevent and counter violent extremism. Show less
Starting in Yemen in 2011, AQAP conducted the first successful instances of prolonged al‑Qaeda governance in the cities of Jaar and Zinjibar – cities they held for over a year. Returning in 2015,... Show moreStarting in Yemen in 2011, AQAP conducted the first successful instances of prolonged al‑Qaeda governance in the cities of Jaar and Zinjibar – cities they held for over a year. Returning in 2015, the re‑seized these two cites. Most significantly, they held and administered the port city of Mukalla for over a year. Beyond this, numerous cases of small scale governance were recorded in Yemen up to 2017. This chapter describes the evolution of AQAP governance, outlining how an initially severely repressive approach which engaged hudud punishments was reigned in, in favour of a more ‘hearts and minds’‑based approach. It also highlights unique aspects of this governance that were identified as lending to its success in cases such as Mukalla, such as the use of local actors to implement government administration, as well as effective and timely provision of social welfare and public works. Finally, it examines how and why these governance campaigns came to an end. This chapter analyses the most successful cases of AQAP governance in Yemen. It also highlights the many additional and often overlooked instances of small-scale governance that were less spectacular in nature. It focuses on lessons that can be applied in a post-conflict Yemen in relation to countering non-state actors in the country. Show less
