The 1950s were a frenetic moment in the European integration process during which the European Economic Community (EEC), the ultimately abortive Free Trade Area (FTA), and subsequently the European... Show moreThe 1950s were a frenetic moment in the European integration process during which the European Economic Community (EEC), the ultimately abortive Free Trade Area (FTA), and subsequently the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) were all negotiated. Trade unions showed keen interest in these schemes; moreover, their own highly institutionalised cooperation suggested they might come to play a key role in shaping them. And yet scholars have argued how divergent traditions and domestic pressures precluded the emergence of a coherent trade union platform on European unity. While not rejecting the structural weaknesses of union internationalism in this regard, this article asks why union centres nevertheless continued to engage with one another on the integration question. Focusing on the British Trade Unions Congress (TUC) and deploying a transnational approach to best understand the interaction between the national and international levels, it shows that union linkages still offered the TUC and its counterparts a valuable chance to learn from and persuade others – and even their governments – of their views, objectives and affairs. Such trade union diplomacy was thus in and of itself valuable despite wider union spats and misgivings, and did at times impact the broader language and approach of the countries involved. Show less
Understandings of class have often been highly racialized and gendered. This article examines the efforts of white workers’ organizations in Southern Africa during the 1940s to forge such a class... Show moreUnderstandings of class have often been highly racialized and gendered. This article examines the efforts of white workers’ organizations in Southern Africa during the 1940s to forge such a class identity across the region and disseminate it among the international labor movement. For these organizations, the “real” working class was composed of white men who worked in mines, factories, and on the railways, something pertinent to contemporary understandings of class.The focus of these efforts was the Southern African Labour Congress, which brought together white trade unions and labor parties and sought to secure a place for them in the postwar world. These organizations embodied the politics of “white laborism,” an ideology which fused political radicalism and white domination, and they enjoyed some success in gaining acceptance in the international labor movement. Although most labor histories of the region have adopted a national framework, this article offers an integrated regional labor history. Show less
This paper focuses on informal workers in Makola Market, Accra (Ghana), and the ways in which they organize for collective action. Ghana has a long history of trade and this makes for well... Show moreThis paper focuses on informal workers in Makola Market, Accra (Ghana), and the ways in which they organize for collective action. Ghana has a long history of trade and this makes for well-developed and culturally embedded local institutions that have organized and represented the (informal) workersactive in markets. A prominent example is the market queens, who (cl)aim to oversee, protect and promote markets vis-a-vis the public and the (municipal) government. Yet, these social structures are not easily recognized as a kind of social movement by (inter)national trade unions. Hence trade unioninterventions and outreaches aimed at ameliorating the plight of informal workers tend to bypass and antagonize these existing formations, fuelling competition and division in the already fragmented and inherently competitive market space. Based on 2.5 year-long ethnographic research on strategic actors in inclusive development with a focus on informal workers, this article draws attention to empirical realities in Ghana. It demonstrates that bypassing culturally embedded groups is problematic because it feeds fragmentation and thus limits the possibilities for collective action. Show less
This paper focuses on informal workers in Makola Market, Accra (Ghana), and the ways in which they organize for collective action. Ghana has a long history of trade and this makes for well... Show moreThis paper focuses on informal workers in Makola Market, Accra (Ghana), and the ways in which they organize for collective action. Ghana has a long history of trade and this makes for well-developed and culturally embedded local institutions that have organized and represented the (informal) workersactive in markets. A prominent example is the market queens, who (cl)aim to oversee, protect and promote markets vis-a-vis the public and the (municipal) government. Yet, these social structures are not easily recognized as a kind of social movement by (inter)national trade unions. Hence trade unioninterventions and outreaches aimed at ameliorating the plight of informal workers tend to bypass and antagonize these existing formations, fuelling competition and division in the already fragmented and inherently competitive market space. Based on 2.5 year-long ethnographic research on strategic actors in inclusive development with a focus on informal workers, this article draws attention to empirical realities in Ghana. It demonstrates that bypassing culturally embedded groups is problematic because it feeds fragmentation and thus limits the possibilities for collective action. Show less
This article follows the fortunes of a group of riveters who moved, briefly, from the Clyde to the Copperbelt to work on construction at the newly opened copper mines in the region in 1930.... Show moreThis article follows the fortunes of a group of riveters who moved, briefly, from the Clyde to the Copperbelt to work on construction at the newly opened copper mines in the region in 1930. Escaping from Depression-era Glasgow, these volatile riveters clashed with hard-bitten American mine managers over wages, self-respect and the colour bar in southern Africa, events best understood within a framework of the transnational world of white labour. The history of labour migration in colonial Africa has been studied almost exclusively in terms of African labour yet large numbers of people arrived from outside the continent to work on the mines in central and southern Africa. Although only a sliver of these wider population flows, the riveters provide a snapshot in the wider British labour movement and movements of white migrants during this period. This article argues that their experiences illustrate the curious, influential politics of ‘white labourism’ where political radicalism and industrial militancy were intricately linked to white domination and racial segregation. Drawing on records from the mining companies, it will be demonstrated that these men saw themselves as militant representatives of an international working class, but one strictly delineated on racial lines. Show less
COSATU's Contested Legacy provides a fresh and up-to-date analysis of trade unionism in contemporary South Africa by focusing on the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the largest and most... Show moreCOSATU's Contested Legacy provides a fresh and up-to-date analysis of trade unionism in contemporary South Africa by focusing on the Congress of South African Trade Unions, the largest and most powerful federation. Drawing on quantitative data from four time series surveys of union members over a period of sixteen years, the authors present rigorous and authoritative analyses that shed light on the dilemmas and opportunities facing trade unionism today. The volume shows how various sections of the trade union movement grapple with these dilemmas and contest with one another to chart a future trajectory for trade unionism. Show less
This article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political... Show moreThis article examines the impact of current neoliberal political reforms on trade union performance in West and Central Africa. To what extent have trade unions been involved in the political restructuring of the State? Has political liberalization constrained or enhanced their political influence and ability to defend their members' interests? The article offers a comparative study of the role of trade unions in two African countries, Ghana and Cameroon. Trade union responses to economic and political liberalization appear to be quite different in these countries: generally positive in Ghana and clearly negative in Cameroon. The author argues that a range of factors is responsible for this situation, including differences in the impact of structural adjustment, the nature of the State and State-society relations, the organizational capacity of the unions, their relationship with political parties and other civil-society organizations, and their search for innovative ways to respond to neoliberal reforms. In Ghana, there have been significant changes in State-trade union relations, while the Cameroonian case has been characterized by a remarkable degree of continuity in these relations. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistes qui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais Robert Buijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livre est un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dont les travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par un dévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur le continent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé aux processus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue le continent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains des débats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines: description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique; transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant les développements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines. Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wim van Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad (1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia, 1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographical reflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": les vicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiers des guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellement anti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland (Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: une expédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unions and democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afrique noire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrifices humains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (Comi Toulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church life and social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
Cet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses... Show moreCet ouvrage présente onze contributions rédigées par des africanistesqui ont collaboré étroitement avec l'anthropologue politique néerlandais RobertBuijtenhuijs et ont été influencés par ses travaux et sa personnalité. Le livreest un hommage à un auteur qui a été productif dans beaucoup de domaines, dontles travaux pendant plus de trente années se sont caractérisés par undévouement sans faille aux causes de la liberté et de la démocratie sur lecontinent africain. Par ses travaux, Robert Buijtenhuijs a participé auxprocessus parmi les plus significatifs de la mutation politique qu'a connue lecontinent africain pendant la seconde moitié du XXe siècle et à certains desdébats les plus cruciaux qui ont animé le monde des études africaines:description et interprétation des révolutions et guerres paysannes en Afrique;transitions démocratiques; phénomènes sociaux et religieux accompagnant lesdéveloppements politiques; statut épistémologique des études africaines.Contributions: Introduction : L'étendue des travaux de Robert Buijtenhuijs (Wimvan Binsbergen, Piet Konings et Gerti Hesseling); Histoire politique du Tchad(1900-1975) (Bernard Lanne); The reception of the Mau Mau in Southern Rhodesia,1952-1961 (Terence Ranger); Africa's wars of liberation: some historiographicalreflections (Stephen Ellis); Le politique "par le bas": lesvicissitudes d'une approche (Peter Geschiere); Le faux naïf sur les sentiersdes guerres (de libération nationale?) : l'anthropologie est-elle naturellementanti-impérialiste? (Jean Copans); When is a State a State? Exploring Puntland(Martin Doornbos); La démocratie dans un monde multi-cosmologique: uneexpédition d'exploration menée depuis l'Afrique (Elly Reinierse); Trade unionsand democratisation in Africa (Piet Konings); La démocratisation en Afriquenoire dans les années 1990: l'hypothèque militaire (Céline Thiriot); Sacrificeshumains et politique: quelques exemples contemporains en Afrique (ComiToulabor); Creating "a place to feel at home": Christian church lifeand social control in Lusaka, Zambia (1970s) (Wim van Binsbergen) Show less
The few existing studies on the response of labour to the economic crisis and structural adjustment in African countries tend to focus on the (oppositional) relations between the State and central... Show moreThe few existing studies on the response of labour to the economic crisis and structural adjustment in African countries tend to focus on the (oppositional) relations between the State and central labour organizations. They largely ignore the response of workers and unions at the workplace. This article describes how workers and unions in the tea estates of Cameroon have dealt with the economic crisis and structural adjusment. It shows that the workers have adopted various strategies to cope with the structural adjustment measures planned and implemented by the management in close cooperation with the State-controlled unions. Two striking facts emerging from the analysis are that the majority of the estate workers have never completely abandoned their 'traditional' militancy, and that gender differences in the degree and modes of labour resistance tend to be slight. The data are derived from fieldwork carried out in 1991-1993 in the tea estates of the Cameroon Development Corporation, the largest agro-industrial parastatal in Cameroon. Show less
De invoering van Structurele aanpassingsprogramma's (SAP's) in Afrika is vaak gepaard gegaan met een versterking van de autoritaire tendensen van de Afrikaanse regimes. De levensstandaard en... Show moreDe invoering van Structurele aanpassingsprogramma's (SAP's) in Afrika is vaak gepaard gegaan met een versterking van de autoritaire tendensen van de Afrikaanse regimes. De levensstandaard en werkgelegenheid van de stedelijke arbeiders zijn door de SAP's ernstig aangetast. In dit overzicht van de rol van vakbonden in de SAP's en in democratiseringsprocessen wordt het verzet van een aantal vakbonden tegen de invoering van de SAP's ge‹llustreerd aan de hand van het vakbondsverzet in Zambia, Ghana en Nigeria. De vakbonden in Zambia zijn in staat geweest het SAP te saboteren, terwijl het vakbondsverzet in Ghana gering was; een tussenpositie in het vakbondsprotest tegen SAP's wordt ingenomen door Nigeria. Hoewel de interne democratie binnen de vakbonden vaak niet optimaal was, heeft een aantal vakbonden zich toch ingespannen voor het bereiken van een zekere mate van participatie in het ondernemings- en regeringsbeleid. Gedurende de invoering van de SAP's hebben steeds meer vakbonden zich verzet tegen het toenemend autoritarisme van de machthebbers. Met name vakbonden in Zambia hebben een sleutelrol gespeeld in de strijd om grotere democratisering. De mate waarin vakbonden een actieve rol kunnen spelen is afhankelijk van twee factoren. De ene factor is de mate van autonomie die vakbonden hebben behouden ten opzichte van de regering. Vakbonden in Engelstalige Afrikaanse landen zijn daar beter in geslaagd dan vakbonden in Franstalige Afrikaanse landen. Een tweede factor is de aard van het regime (militair of civiel). Show less
This anthology explains and highlights the 'political culture' of those people taxonomically referred to in South African racial legislation as "Coloured". It is based on articles written for a... Show moreThis anthology explains and highlights the 'political culture' of those people taxonomically referred to in South African racial legislation as "Coloured". It is based on articles written for a journal called 'The Educational Journal', which was, and still is, the official magazine of the Teachers' League of South Africa. Five sections are considered for inclusion, namely, politics, history, language, literature and education. First a historical and political introduction of events, as they affected the so-called "Coloured" people in, especially the Cape Province, over a period of three hundred years, is given. Show less
