The 2011-2014 controversies between the Ethiopian Government and Muslim communities on the role of Islam in Ethiopia have highlighted the precarious nature of religious relations in Ethiopia.... Show moreThe 2011-2014 controversies between the Ethiopian Government and Muslim communities on the role of Islam in Ethiopia have highlighted the precarious nature of religious relations in Ethiopia. Statements by public figures and religious leaders recently have drawn attention to the nature and scope of the Ethiopian secular state order. This paper describes the recent Muslim protest movement and the response to it by the government in the light of the secular state model. While the challenges to it also extend to the large Christian community in Ethiopia, the problems became prominent mainly in the case of the Muslims, who contest perceived 'government interference' in their community life and self-organization. I present an overview of key recent events and of factors inducing conflict between state and religion. The discussion makes reference to more general debates on the 'secular model' in Ethiopia and to the familiar though somewhat worn-out paradigm of 'identity politics'. State repression of Muslim civic protest in Ethiopia revealed insecurities of the state: rather than an instance of the process of 'othering' a religious community, we see a case of political crisis, and a search for new modes of governance of diversity and communal religiosity in Ethiopia. As a result of the contestations, however, the secular order of the country will not be threatened, but modified. Show less
Comment imaginer la forme de l'Etat dans sa gestion de la cohabitation ethnique sous un angle positif pour l'Afrique aujourd'hui et demain? Telle est la question thématique fondamentale de... Show moreComment imaginer la forme de l'Etat dans sa gestion de la cohabitation ethnique sous un angle positif pour l'Afrique aujourd'hui et demain? Telle est la question thématique fondamentale de Pascal Touoyem de Cameroon. La réalité ethnique en Afrique continue d'être déterminante comme dimension absolue de l'existence individuelle et collective au point de constituer une hypothèque grave pour ce qui est du fonctionnement normal de ces Etats. C'est pourquoi le continent noir est riche en Etats faillis, effondrés, ou en passe de le devenir. A l'ère globale, le modèle politique de l'Etat multi-ethnique doit permettre la mise en perspective d'un néo-constitutionnalisme démotique (de 'demos' ou peuple) permettant de restituer aux ethnies, leur statut de nations sociologiques. L'enjeu étant celui de jeter les bases d'une renaissance politique africaine adossée sur la nature plurinationale des sociétés africaines par-delà le multipartisme. Le nouveau pacte social et politique qui fonde l'Etat multi-ethnique permettrait ainsi aux pays d'Afrique noire de se doter d'une démocratie fondée sur le principe 'gagnant-gagnant'. La théorie de l'Etat multinational ouvre la perspective d'une innovation constitutionnelle, politique et conceptuelle des sociétés plurinationales au XXIe siècle: celle d'une refondation de notre imaginaire pour une réorientation globale de la pensée politique africaine dans ses besoins, ses désirs, ses quêtes, ses attentes et ses espérances. Show less
State mega-infrastructure projects in developing countries evoke challenges to citizenship and reconstruct the imagery of statecraft. The Ethiopian government’s construction of a large dam in the... Show moreState mega-infrastructure projects in developing countries evoke challenges to citizenship and reconstruct the imagery of statecraft. The Ethiopian government’s construction of a large dam in the Omo River evoked contesting accounts of development and legitimate governance among a variety of actors. Debates between relevant actors centre on classic topoi of the ‘development’ discourse but present seemingly irreconcilable views. In the process, discourses of technocratic expertise claiming to evade ‘politics’ as well as culturally grounded socio-economic narratives are mobilised. They are juxtaposed here to develop an anthropological interpretation of the discursive positions, connecting the analysis to a consideration of precarious citizenship and coercive state consolidation in Ethiopia. Show less
This volume, which is dedicated to the Dutch legal scholar Gerti Hesseling (1946-2009), examines issues of law, land dispute and conflict mediation in Africa. The focus is on how citizens, State... Show moreThis volume, which is dedicated to the Dutch legal scholar Gerti Hesseling (1946-2009), examines issues of law, land dispute and conflict mediation in Africa. The focus is on how citizens, State institutions and concerned (inter)national actors attempt to find solutions to land disputes. The issues at stake include land access and land use, State politics and democratization efforts, the relationship between constitutional/State law and customary law, the challenges of urban and rural conflicts, border issues, and conceptions of (human) rights. The 15 chapters are grouped into four thematic parts: 1. Historical and cultural aspects (Walter van Beek, Wim M.J. van Binsbergen on Zambia, Peter Geschiere, Patrick Chabal); 2. Land issues and economics (Abdou Salam Fall, Mayke Kaag, Yaram Gaye and Marieke Kruis on Senegal, Romborah R. Simiyu and Dick Foeken on Kenya, Piet Konings on the Bakassi dispute beween Cameroon and Nigeria); 3. Politics and constitutional law (Jan Abbink on Ethiopia, Babacar Kant‚, Fatima Diallo on Senegal, Moussa Djir‚ on Mali); 4. The challenges of law and conflict (Janine Ubink on Namibia, Han van Dijk on Chad, Mirjam de Bruijn and Egosha E. Osaghae). The book further includes a recollection of Gerti's commitment to the LASDEL Institute in Niger by Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan and Mahaman Tidjani Alou and a bibliography of her works. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Een politieke kaart van het huidige Afrika dekt vaak niet de politieke werkelijkheid. Krachtige regeringen oefenen in een informeel machtspatroon feitelijke invloed uit in gebieden in buurlanden.... Show moreEen politieke kaart van het huidige Afrika dekt vaak niet de politieke werkelijkheid. Krachtige regeringen oefenen in een informeel machtspatroon feitelijke invloed uit in gebieden in buurlanden. Informele economieën en politieke structuren zijn vaak belangrijker dan de flauwe afschaduwingen van de soevereine instituties die slechts op papier bestaan. In de vele situaties waar de autoriteit van een soevereine staat niet het gehele nationale territorium bestrijkt, kan de facto invloed belichaamd worden in ingewikkelde combinaties van informele machthebbers en particuliere bedrijven, in het bijzonder multinationale mijnbouw- en oliebedrijven, en hulpverlenende instellingen die aanzienlijke belangen kunnen hebben in gebieden waarvan het gezag wordt betwist. Bedrijven die in Afrika werkzaam zijn, zullen moeten beseffen dat dergelijke situaties zich waarschijnlijk steeds vaker zullen voordoen. Grote bedrijven die willen opereren in gebieden waar het staatsgezag wordt betwist, dienen nauwlettender dan in het verleden rekening te houden met de aard van hun betrekkingen met de plaatselijke bevolking. Het volstaat niet overeenkomsten af te sluiten met zwakke regeringen en vervolgens deze façade van legitimiteit als argument te hanteren dat men zich correct gedraagt. Hetzelfde geldt voor hulpverleningsorganisaties. Show less
This study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that... Show moreThis study shows that the neoliberal project propagated in the 1990s by the Western donors and the international financial institutions has not yet made much progress in Cameroon. It argues that this is not surprising, given the class character of the Cameroonian postcolonial State. The limited political reforms introduced by the Biya regime in 1990, especially the legalization of multipartyism, seem not to have stimulated economic liberalization, but rather to have further eroded the authoritarian and patrimonial State's capacity and willingness to undertake economic reforms. The experience of Cameroon suggests that there is no automatic linkage between political and economic liberalization. Show less
