Many inter-State and intra-State conflicts in Africa become more complex by being extended into 'proxy wars', i.e. secondary, often 'low intensity' armed conflicts, pursued in the context of a... Show moreMany inter-State and intra-State conflicts in Africa become more complex by being extended into 'proxy wars', i.e. secondary, often 'low intensity' armed conflicts, pursued in the context of a major power struggle, or outright wars between States carried out by subsidiary or co-opted insurgent movements, usually of an ethno-regional nature. In the Horn of Africa, the proxy war phenomenon is visible owing to alliances behind the scenes, the involvement of neighbouring countries, and frequent changes of allegiance. The proxy war strategy was pursued by both players in the 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, not only in the enemy country but also in neighbouring States. Since the peace agreement of June 2000, the importance and impact of the proxy war factor has declined somewhat, but whether this decline will contribute to the building of a 'lasting peace' is not at all certain. The experience of tenuous negotiation during the past two years seems to indicate otherwise. The author argues that the threat of regional instability by proxy conflict remains, as long as the Ethiopian and Eritrean regimes are unwilling to make real peace with each other. App. (list of insurgent movements), bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
After more than two years of bloody warfare, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace accord in Algiers on 12 December 2000. Although the peace accord paved the way for negotiations and... Show moreAfter more than two years of bloody warfare, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace accord in Algiers on 12 December 2000. Although the peace accord paved the way for negotiations and a delineation of the Ethio-Eritrean border, political stability in the region is not expected to increase unless the two governments reform their systems of governance. This article focuses on social developments 'on the ground' since the peace accord and on the social and psychological impact of the war on local peoples, such as the Afar, Irob, and Kunama. The author argues that a strict delimitation of the border may further divide local population groups and create tensions instead of defusing them. He further argues that the impact of the United Nations Mission for Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), in place since December 2000, will be limited; UNMEE is responsible for immediate security issues, but is not allowed to mediate between State authorities and local inhabitants. In the end, the border people may hold a key to the future of Ethio-Eritrean relations. Notes, ref., sum. in French and Italian Show less
