Following Zambia’s independence in 1964, several thousand non-Zambian Africans were identified and progressively removed from the Copperbelt mines as part of a state-driven policy of ... Show moreFollowing Zambia’s independence in 1964, several thousand non-Zambian Africans were identified and progressively removed from the Copperbelt mines as part of a state-driven policy of ‘Zambianisation’. Curiously, this process has been overlooked among the multitude of detailed studies on the mining industry and Zambianisation, which is usually regarded as being about the removal of the industrial colour bar on the mines. This article challenges that perspective by examining the position and fate of non-Zambian African mineworkers, beginning with patterns of labour recruitment established in the colonial period and through the situation following independence to the protracted economic decline in the 1980s. In it I make two arguments. First, Zambian nationalism and the creation of Zambian citizenship were accompanied on the Copperbelt by the identification and exclusion of non-Zambians, in contrast to a strand in the literature which stresses that exclusionary nationalism and xenophobia are relatively recent developments. Second, one of the central and consistent aims of Zambianisation was the removal of ‘alien’ Africans from the mining industry and their replacement with Zambian nationals. This was a key objective of the Zambian government, supported by the mineworkers’ union. Show less
This book is based on Enid Guene Master's thesis 'Copper, Borders and Nation-building: The Katangese Factor in Zambian Economic and Political History', runner-up in the African Studies Centre,... Show moreThis book is based on Enid Guene Master's thesis 'Copper, Borders and Nation-building: The Katangese Factor in Zambian Economic and Political History', runner-up in the African Studies Centre, Leiden's 2014 African Thesis Award. This annual award for Master's students encourages student research and writing on Africa and promotes the study of African cultures and societies. The Copperbelt has, for about a century, formed the economic backbone of the two countries that host it: the Republic of Zambia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Zambian and Congolese Copperbelts share long-standing economic, social and political ties, resulting in their histories being peppered with points of interconnections. Yet, there exists no integrated history of the Copperbelt. This tendency to see the Copperbelt as not one but two entities has to do with several factors, at the root of which is the Copperbelt’s distribution over two countries. This created an artificial division in the eyes of many observers, a division which, crucially, was reflected in academic research. The Zambian and Congolese Copperbelt have traditionally belonged to two distinct academic traditions, one English-speaking and the other French-speaking. As a result, there has been a tendency to overlook the actual interplay that existed between them. This interplay is what the present narrative proposes to investigate, going from pre-colonial linkages to the circumstances in which the border was set up and the patterns of migrations that the appearance of two competing and neighbouring mining centres engendered. The influence of these processes on Zambian political development will also be considered. Show less
Confronted with high unemployment figures and widespread poverty among the black population, one of the priorities of the first postapartheid government of South Africa has been to combat poverty... Show moreConfronted with high unemployment figures and widespread poverty among the black population, one of the priorities of the first postapartheid government of South Africa has been to combat poverty among its population by enlarging employment opportunities. It is generally accepted that this policy will have a large impact on the number of foreigners called to work in South Africa. By taking Swaziland, where data were collected in 1990, as a case study, this article investigates the impact on the capacity of Swazi rural households to survive, if the possibility for international labour migration should become constrained. The paper first investigates whether common socioeconomic characteristics can be identified among homesteads whose survival is threatened. Next, it investigates the possibilities and constraints for returning migrants to find employment in Swaziland. In the final section, conclusions are presented on the prospects of Swazi rural households to survive without migrant labour to South Africa. The main finding is that in the short run relatively 'young' households, with few working members and a weak economic position in the local rural economy, are among the most vulnerable. In the long run the survival of most Swazi households with migrants in South Africa is at stake. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
As labour migration to South Africa is a pronounced feature of Swazi society, its impact on Swazi society is substantial. This paper examines what labour migration means to the social security... Show moreAs labour migration to South Africa is a pronounced feature of Swazi society, its impact on Swazi society is substantial. This paper examines what labour migration means to the social security role of the Swazi rural homestead. By discussing the relationship between labour migration and the conditions which determine whether or not a social group can act as a solidarity group (viz. the size of a social group, its composition, its durability, its capacity to raise means, and the existence of a 'normative insurance'), the author estimates the impact of labour migration on the rural homestead in its capacity as a solidarity group. For this purpose he compares a group of homesteads with migrants in South Africa and a group of homesteads without. Data are derived from a 1990 survey among 115 rural homesteads situated on Swazi Nation Land. The author shows that the impact of labour migration differs according to the type of homestead. As a solidarity group, homesteads in the establishment and expansion stage are far more affected by labour migration than homesteads in other stages of the developmental cycle (viz. consolidation, fission, decline). Show less
This paper examines how the labour migration of Swazi homestead members to South Africa affects the homestead as a solidarity group. After an introduction in which he discusses the conditions... Show moreThis paper examines how the labour migration of Swazi homestead members to South Africa affects the homestead as a solidarity group. After an introduction in which he discusses the conditions which make a group a solidarity group and their applicability to the Swazi homestead, the author analyses the impact of migrant labour on the size and composition of the Swazi homestead, its durability and stability, its economic position, and on the principle of reciprocity, particularly with respect to the distribution of remittances. The study is based on data derived from a survey carried out in 1990 among 195 homesteads in Swaziland. On balance, the impact of labour migration on the Swazi homestead as a solidarity group seems to be negative. Show less
Beschrijving van de Togolese arbeidsmigratie vanaf 1900, waarbij zowel aandacht geschonken wordt aan de interne als aan de externe arbeidsmigratie. 1. Inleiding - 2. Patronen van arbeidsmigratie ... Show moreBeschrijving van de Togolese arbeidsmigratie vanaf 1900, waarbij zowel aandacht geschonken wordt aan de interne als aan de externe arbeidsmigratie. 1. Inleiding - 2. Patronen van arbeidsmigratie (de Duitse kolonisatie tot 1914, Franse koloniale periode (tot 1960), de postkoloniale periode (na 1960). - 3. Verklaringen voor de Togolese arbeidsmigratie: ontwikkelingen in de expulsiegebieden 4. Conclusies. Show less
Paper presented at the 34th annual meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology, section: Anthropological contributions to the study of migration, Amsterdam, 19-22 March 1975 Abridged abstract:... Show morePaper presented at the 34th annual meeting of the Society for Applied Anthropology, section: Anthropological contributions to the study of migration, Amsterdam, 19-22 March 1975 Abridged abstract: Antagonism between older and younger men constitutes a striking feature of a rural community in post-independent Zambia. In the local political processes surrounding the 1973 Zambia general elections, a small group of young men organised themselves within a framework suggested by national party politics, and attempted (with unexpected support from the elders) to construct a youth-centred social order which could dissolve the intergenerational struggle while presenting a blue-print for rural reconstruction. The present paper attempts to interpret these data, in particular as the outcome of a process of social change shaped mainly by labour migration. It examines the pre-colonial career model, changes in rural leadership under colonial rule, the emergence of an urban career model, the changing status of rural youth, ideological change in the colonial era, and the post-independent situation Show less
