Hoe kiezen we wat de school moet meegeven aan de volgende generatie, als elke groep in de samenleving daar anders over denkt? Waarom mag de één wel met steun van de overheid programma's maken voor... Show moreHoe kiezen we wat de school moet meegeven aan de volgende generatie, als elke groep in de samenleving daar anders over denkt? Waarom mag de één wel met steun van de overheid programma's maken voor omroep of theater, en de ander niet? Wat moet worden onderzocht als niet elk onderzoek kan worden betaald? In een land waar geen enkele meerderheid zomaar zijn wil kan opleggen, zijn dat lastige vragen. "In de regel vrij" laat zien hoe Nederland in de afgelopen eeuw op eigen wijze vorm gaf aan onderwijs, cultuur en wetenschap. Een bijzondere ervaring, die bij de vraagstukken van de toekomst nog van nut kan zijn. Dit toegankelijke en rijk geïllustreerde boek verschijnt bij het honderdjarig bestaan van het ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap. Het beschrijft een eeuw in thema's, van burgerschap tot wetenschap en van media tot Mammoetwet. Daarnaast bevat het bijzondere interviews met alle oud-ministers sinds 1973. Show less
This volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why... Show moreThis volume contains a range of original studies on the controversial role of youth in politics, conflicts and rebellious movements in Africa. A common aim of the studies is to try and explain why patterns of generational conflict and violent response among younger age groups in Africa are showing such a remarkably uneven spread across the continent. An introduction by Jon Abbink (Being young in Africa: the politics of despair and renewal) is follwed by three parts: 1. Historical perspectives on youth as agents of change (Murray Last on youth in Muslim northern Nigeria, 1750-2000; G. Thomas Burgess on youth in revolutionary Zanzibar); 2. State, crisis and the mobilization of youth (Peter Mwangi Kagwanja on youth identity and the politics of transition in Kenya, 1997-2002; Karel Arnaut on youth and the politics of history in C“te d'Ivoire; Jok Madut Jok on the position of youth in South Sudan; Piet Konings on anglophone university students and anglophone nationalist struggles in Cameroon; and Sara Rich Dorman on youth and politics in Eritrea); 3. Interventions: dealing with youth in crisis (Yves Marguerat on street children in Lom‚, Togo; Angela McIntyre on the phenomenon of child soldiers in Africa; Simon Simonse on failed Statehood and the violence of young male pastoralists in the Horn of Africa; and Krijn Peters on the reintegration of young ex-combatants in Sierra Leone). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Political liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This... Show morePolitical liberalization in Cameroon has been marked by the construction and mobilization of ethno-regional identities that pose a major challenge to the postcolonial nation-State project. This book focuses on Anglophone Cameroon, a region characterized by a widespread feeling that reunification with Francophone Cameroon in 1961 has led to a growing marginalization of the Anglophone minority. The book traces the historical trajectory of Anglophone Cameroon to reunification and outlines the strategies used by the Francophone-dominated State to undermine the identity of Anglophone Cameroon, the emergence of Anglophone organizations in the aftermath of political liberalization in the 1990s, the strategies employed by the Biya government to deconstruct the Anglophone identity, and Anglophone and Francophone responses to the Anglophone movements' views. It pays special attention to two of the major confrontations between the government and the Anglophones, namely the struggles for the preservation of the Anglophone educational and economic legacies. The book concludes with some suggestions on how the present stalemate between the regime and the Anglophone movement could be broken. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The... Show moreThe papers collected in this volume were first presented at a conference on 'Globalization, development and the making of consumers: what are collective identities for?' which was held in The Hague, The Netherlands, on 13-16 March 1997. The papers are concerned with the challenge to the development paradigm presented by its potential submersion within processes of economic globalization. The following chapters are on Africa: The accountability of commodities in a global marketplace: the cases of Bolivian coca and Tanzanian honey (Alberto Arce, Eleanor Fisher) - The Pentecostal gift: Ghanaian charismatic churches and the moral innocence of the global economy (Rijk van Dijk) - 'Progress' as discursive spectacle: but what comes after development? (David Mills on Uganda) - Christian mind and worldly matters: religion and materiality in the nineteenth-century Gold Coast (Birgit Meyer) - Mary's room: a case study on becoming a consumer in Francistown, Botswana (Wim van Binsbergen) - Second-hand clothing encounters in Zambia: global discourses, Western commodities and local histories (Karen Tranberg Hansen) - Globalization and the making of consumers: Zambian kitchen parties (Thera Rasing) - African corruption in the context of globalization (Jean-Pierre Olivier de Sardan) - Market expansion, globalized discourses and changing identity politics in Kenya (Andreas van Nahl) - The production of translocality: initiation in the sacred grove in southern Senegal (Ferdinand de Jong) - The production of 'primitiveness' and identity: Surma-tourist interactions (Jan Abbink) - Anthropology, identity politics, consumption and development in post-apartheid South Africa (P.A. McAllister) - Rural democratization in Zanzibar: the 1995 general elections (Greg Cameron). Show less
Despite its ancient history in Ethiopia, Islam has always been a secondary status religion in the country. It emerged in the shadow of Christianity and has often suffered from suppression and... Show moreDespite its ancient history in Ethiopia, Islam has always been a secondary status religion in the country. It emerged in the shadow of Christianity and has often suffered from suppression and discrimination. This has had an impact on the social opportunities, religious and civil rights, and the pattern of self-organization of Ethiopian Muslims. During the last decade, new issues of religious identity and communal political identity among Muslims in Ethiopia have emerged in the wake of political and economic reform processes, and as a result of the process of cultural globalization. This article gives a historical overview of the emergence and development of Islam in Ethiopia, its position in the pre-1974 empire and its relationship with Christianity, and changes under the Mengistu regime (1974-1991), which actively discouraged religion in all its forms. Finally, it discusses developments since 1991, paying special attention to questions of identity and the 'ethnic' dimensions of Islam. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
In 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper... Show moreIn 1994, Ethiopia became a federal democratic republic composed of nine regional states, which bear the name of their majority ethnic group, except Gambela and the Southern Region. This paper discusses some issues of ethnicity and the "national project" in Ethiopia in relation to the Southern Regional State, officially the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Regional State (SNNPRS), which has a population of 11 million, or some 17 percent of the total Ethiopian population. The Southern Region, known for its notable ethnolinguistic diversity, is a double challenge: to the Ethiopian federation, because of this diversity and the lack of a dominant ethnic majority; and to the development of the region itself, in search of a coalition of ethnic elites that will manage policy and administration, and an appropriate role of ethnic identity. The paper sketches the history and ethnocultural diversity of the "South"; its economic and political role within the Federation; changing politics of identity resulting in patterns of cooperation and conflict; and the role of ethnicity as political construct and sociocultural identity. The South is a region vital to the redefinition and survival of the Ethiopian federation and of Ethiopian nationhood. There is a need in this multi-ethnic region to sustain commonalities bridging differences and to define common issues and interests of efficient governance and economic development. There are new opportunities for the Southern people. The price of the heightened organizational significance of ethnicity is the increased volatility and conflict potential of ethnic group consciousness. Show less
According to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and... Show moreAccording to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and administration and as such has been enshrined in the Federal Constitution of December 1994. Yet the Constitution's explicit reinstatement of ethnicity in law coincides with a politico-economic situation which has made ethnoregional groups more interdependent than ever before, and where the central State has come to play an essential role as a resource and a mechanism of redistribution. The author looks at the way in which ethnicity is translated in the clauses on nationality rights, noting the originality of the Constitution, on the one hand, and the difficulties and ambiguities surrounding the structures of implementation of the ethnicization formula, on the other. The impression arises that "self-determination" has been granted for rhetorical and ideological purposes, and that the central federal government has no intention of relinquishing real power. There is, furthermore, no possibility of judicial review by the courts of State executive and legislative powers. Nor has the Constitution solved the problem of reconciling the various generations of rights. Moreover, the failure to define or design the Ethiopian polity as an arena of compromise or issue politics creates problems for the realization of a country-wide democratic polity. Notes, ref., sum. (p. i) Show less
Martin Bernal's 'Black Athena' has evoked three kinds of reaction: scholarly evaluation of the historical evidence for Bernal's claims, both of Ancient Europe's indebtedness to West Asia and... Show moreMartin Bernal's 'Black Athena' has evoked three kinds of reaction: scholarly evaluation of the historical evidence for Bernal's claims, both of Ancient Europe's indebtedness to West Asia and Northeast Africa, and of the construction in recent centuries of the Greek miracle as a Eurocentric, racialist myth; appropriation of the Bernal thesis by African-American and African intellectuals in the process of identity construction and in the politics of global knowledge production as a counterforce to Eurocentrism and scholarly racism; and critical scholarly extrapolation of the Bernal thesis with regard to African material beyond ancient Egypt. Arguing that origin is not to be equated with subsequent local transformation and performance in maturity, the present author posits that a different mode of thinking about cultural dynamics and interdependence is required. Two case studies tracing the geographical distribution and probable diffusion of geomantic divination and mancala board games since the 16th century, suggest that it is a typical pattern of African cultural history to see active early participation in global cultural flows, followed by subsequent 'cultural involution' and the loss of virtually all trace of an earlier intercontinental exchange. The unit of analysis is civilizations; 'Africa', the continent, is not a viable unit of analysis in this connection. Notes, ref., sum. in French (p. 100) Show less
