Literature on political vigilante groups has centred on the violence and conflict that emanate from their activities. This article approaches political vigilante groups as political actors who... Show moreLiterature on political vigilante groups has centred on the violence and conflict that emanate from their activities. This article approaches political vigilante groups as political actors who engage in political mobilisation and participation and therewith also contribute to nation state building. It explores how such groups participate in Ghana’s democratic governance and asks whether violence is an inevitable characteristic. The article builds on individual in-depth interviews and focus group discussions with political vigilante group members in Kumasi and Tamale in 2019. Findings show that political vigilante “youth” appeared to refer primarily to the social position attributed to non-elite groups in the political field. Political vigilante groups are multi-faceted in their organisational structures, membership, and activities both during electoral campaigns and during governing periods. While some groups revert to violence occasionally, the study concludes that political vigilante groups, in enabling different voices to be heard, are also contributing to democratic governance. Show less
Hoe kiezen we wat de school moet meegeven aan de volgende generatie, als elke groep in de samenleving daar anders over denkt? Waarom mag de één wel met steun van de overheid programma's maken voor... Show moreHoe kiezen we wat de school moet meegeven aan de volgende generatie, als elke groep in de samenleving daar anders over denkt? Waarom mag de één wel met steun van de overheid programma's maken voor omroep of theater, en de ander niet? Wat moet worden onderzocht als niet elk onderzoek kan worden betaald? In een land waar geen enkele meerderheid zomaar zijn wil kan opleggen, zijn dat lastige vragen. "In de regel vrij" laat zien hoe Nederland in de afgelopen eeuw op eigen wijze vorm gaf aan onderwijs, cultuur en wetenschap. Een bijzondere ervaring, die bij de vraagstukken van de toekomst nog van nut kan zijn. Dit toegankelijke en rijk geïllustreerde boek verschijnt bij het honderdjarig bestaan van het ministerie van Onderwijs, Cultuur en Wetenschap. Het beschrijft een eeuw in thema's, van burgerschap tot wetenschap en van media tot Mammoetwet. Daarnaast bevat het bijzondere interviews met alle oud-ministers sinds 1973. Show less
Democracy is about competing "truths". This is why "rhetoric"- the study of public deliberation and the training in public debate and argumentation - is part of democracy in development. This... Show moreDemocracy is about competing "truths". This is why "rhetoric"- the study of public deliberation and the training in public debate and argumentation - is part of democracy in development. This volume acclimatizes "rhetoric" to the philosophical scene in South Africa, and more in general in Africa as a whole, and reflects on the emergence of public deliberation in the South African democracy through a reading of the 1995-1998 Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in terms of Aristotelian rhetoric. Four papers (part 1) tackle, from four different angles, the re-telling of private truths about a public regimen of affairs in front of the TRC. In Part 2, public deliberation and the fashioning of truth are approached from a variety of perspectives, examples and situations of "rhetorical democracy" from elsewhere in Africa (Nigeria) and beyond. Part 3 offers examples of how rhetoric may be brought to bear upon politics in order to understand how dialogue between different levels of agency creates democratic negotiation and, in the process, shapes policy, as for example in the case of the African Renaissance, the land redistribution programme in postapartheid South Africa and the 1991 National Conference of Congo-Brazzaville. The volume closes on a philosophical analysis of the "ethical" dimension inherent to public deliberation as well as to the contest of beliefs, and on an examination of the volume's contents in the light of long-standing concerns of African philosophy and of the journal 'Quest'. Contributors: Charles Calder, Barbara Cassin, Mary Jane Collier, Erik Doxtader, Eugene Garver, Yehoshua Gitay, Lisa Hajjar, Darrin Hicks, Johnson Segun Ige, Abel Kouvouama, Andrea Lollini, Reingard Nethersole, Sanya Osha, Philippe-Joseph Salazar, Lydia Samarbakhsh-Liberge, Wim van Binsbergen, Charles Villa-Vicencio. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation... Show moreThis chapter examines what democratic transition in the 1990s has meant for women in southern Africa. It focuses in particular on the impact of democratization processes on political participation by women, notably women's representation in parliament in Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This is compared with developments in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, where the introduction of multiparty elections has generally resulted in women's marginalization in parliament. Comparison of the representation of women in parliament in the SADC region under the one-party State and after the democratic transition reveals that the tendency is towards better representation of women. Factors impacting on the representation of women in politics include a country's state of development, the quota system, women's pressure groups, and electoral systems. Linking the UNDP's gender-related development index (1998) to the representation in parliament-index, the author concludes that there is no visible relationship between women's representation in parliament and the quality of life for women in southern Africa. Notes, ref Show less
Etniciteit heeft altijd een centrale rol gespeeld in de Afrikaanse politiek. Politieke leiders hebben in het verleden hun machtsbasis steeds gevonden binnen hun eigen volk. Vanwege de etnische... Show moreEtniciteit heeft altijd een centrale rol gespeeld in de Afrikaanse politiek. Politieke leiders hebben in het verleden hun machtsbasis steeds gevonden binnen hun eigen volk. Vanwege de etnische tegenstellingen zijn velen pessimistisch over het welslagen van de golf van democratisering die op dit moment Afrika overspoelt. Hoe 'etnisch' werd er bijvoorbeeld gestemd in Kenia en Kameroen tijdens de algemene verkiezingen in hun landen in 1992? Dit artikel gaat in op deze vraag. In etnische termen behoort Kameroen tot de meest gefragmenteerde landen van Afrika. In 1992 heeft president Biya gehoor gegeven aan de roep om politieke democratisering, hetgeen resulteerde in twee vrije verkiezingen: parlementsverkiezingen in maart en presidentsverkiezingen in oktober. Uit een analyse van de verkiezingsuitslagen blijkt dat regionale etnisch-religieuze tegenstellingen, alsmede lokale machts- en afhankelijkheidsrelaties, een bepalende rol hebben gespeeld in het stemgedrag van de bevolking. Ook in Kenia is de etnische versnippering groot. De bevolking van 25 miljoen mensen is verdeeld in ongeveer 40 etnische groepen. Geen enkele groep heeft een numeriek overwicht. Ook hier weerspiegelt de uitslag van de verkiezingen voor het presidentschap en voor het parlement van december 1992 de realiteit van de etnische politiek in Kenia. Show less
External factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to... Show moreExternal factors - the change in the international climate following the fall of the Berlin Wall in late 1989, the publication at almost the same time of the World Bank's report 'From crisis to sustainable growth', in which the Bank for the first time linked aid to the question of "governance" - undoubtedly played a role in the decline of the one-party State in Africa. But the deeper causes of the current wave of democratization lie in the buildup of pressure over the past few decades for a new form of political accountability, to replace that of patronage politics. Most African governments have responded to the forces of change by conceding to demands for multiparty rule, simultaneously attempting to control the process. President Moi of Kenya, re-elected president in a multiparty election, is a case in point. In a few cases, heads of State have refused to make any compromises at all, with appalling results (Liberia, Somalia). In those countries where some degree of democratization has taken place, it is hard as yet to discern any improvement in regard to governance. Political parties continue to be formed in terms of clientelism and there is little to choose between rival parties, as a comparison of the contrasting cases of Kenya and Zambia illustrates. Democratization has not recast political constituencies in a new mode (though religion may form the base for new forms of political recruitment in the years to come). Notes, ref Show less
